Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Trump Immigration Actions Are Only Latest in White Supremacy Tradition

U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services envelope
Honor migrants’ quest for a better life
Evgenia Parajanian/Getty Images

The U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled recently that Maryland resident Kilmar Abrego Garcia must be released and returned to his family. He was wrongfully deported to the high-security prison in El Salvador based on what the Trump administration calls an “administrative error.”

However, during a recent visit to the Oval Office with President Donald Trump, El Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele stated that he will not return Abrego Garcia, echoing sentiments expressed by Trump and his administration.


This is a rare moment of a U.S. president openly defying a Supreme Court order. But, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s actions – such as claiming immigrants do not deserve due process as well as the targeting of documented, legal residents and international students – are not unprecedented at all.

Rather, this is just the latest chapter in a white supremacist history of immigration and citizenship in the U.S., which is disinformation at its worst because America has never been just a white country. Racist attempts throughout U.S. history to declare white supremacy as triumphant have all ultimately failed.

This is even as federal websites are scraped of mentions of diverse leaders, Black history books have been banned, and recently, the U.S. Naval Academy banned close to 400 books of history that violate orders to remove mentions of diversity, equity, and inclusion. Schools, universities, and colleges face significant funding cuts if they do not discontinue their Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) policies and curricula.

Yet despite this recorded factual history, many Americans still believe that this country has historically been white. This may be stating the obvious, but Black and indigenous groups have been a part of this country’s cultural fabric for centuries longer than whites. But even that is not the full story.

While Hispanic and Asian groups are often characterized as newcomers to this country, members of such ethnic and racial groups have been on American soil for centuries, some with roots as far back as the 1600s.

During the westward expansion of the U.S. following the Louisiana Purchase in 1803, and the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848, a large number of indigenous, Hispanic, and Asian residents of that land became “American” not because they came to America, but because America came to them.

It feels ridiculous to remind people that the story of immigration to America is not just the story of Europeans coming across the Atlantic, but also groups who went across the Pacific or through the Caribbean, many of whom were Asian, Hispanic, or African.

As described in the 2024 book "Diversity in America"by Vincent Parillo and the 2022 book "Almost All Aliens: Immigration, Race, and Colonialism in American History and Identity"by Paul Spickard and colleagues, America has never been a country dominated by whites.

Prior to the Revolutionary War and for much of America’s early history, Federal immigration laws were relatively loose, particularly for European immigrant groups in the 1700s and 1800s.

For many European families that arrived through Ellis Island, paperwork such as visas, permits, and green cards was often nonexistent. But over time, racist laws and immigration quotas specifically targeted non-white groups’ arrival to America while leaving Europeans a relatively easier pathway to immigration.

The Naturalization Act of 1790 explicitly stated that only a “free white person” could become a citizen. This was followed by laws such as the Naturalization Act of 1870, the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, the Emergency Quota Act of 1921, and the Immigration Act of 1924, all of which placed restrictions on immigrants from non-white countries.

Explicit racism defined America’s immigration policies until the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965, the first policy that removed rather than instated racial barriers in immigration.

Whiteness has been central in determining who could become a citizen and a full-fledged member of American society. Native Americans were barred from full citizenship until the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924, and Black Americans did not gain equal citizenship and legal rights until after the Civil Rights movement.

Then, non-white immigrants who met the standards of legality and time of residence were barred from citizenship. In the cases Ozawa vs United States (1922) and Thind vs United States (1923), the Supreme Court ruled that Japanese and Indian immigrants could not become naturalized citizens because they did not meet the standards of “white.”

Notably, the court applied inconsistent logic across these cases in the service of protecting these racist standards.

As Reece Jones describes in the 2022 book White Borders, punitive immigration law and citizenship restrictions have historically been tied to protecting white supremacy. This history is paralleled today; anti-immigration members of the White House administrations such as Steve Bannon and Stephen Miller have described immigration as a “great replacement” which threatens a “white genocide.”

Today, while explicitly racist laws regarding immigration and citizenship have been relegated to history, inequalities remain. Research shows that there are tangible differences in the naturalization acceptance of different immigrant groups, with non-white and Hispanic applicants being less likely to be approved than white applicants.

Additionally, the odds of being approved for citizenship drop significantly for immigrants in majority-white counties.

To be sure, Americans today are not responsible for the racist sins of the country’s past. Still, much of the current discourse that supports the current administration’s treatment of immigrants is rooted in claims such as, “My family came here the right way!” or “This has always been a white country!”

Here is a reminder that the U.S. has been very diverse for centuries, but non-whites were barred from equal immigration laws and fully participating in U.S. democracy as citizens. The actions of the current administration are certainly shocking, but it is only the latest chapter of historical and ongoing white supremacy in immigration and citizenship.

It is time to stop the ongoing white dominant narrative and close the book on racism in this country for good.

Dr. Neeraj Rajaseka r is an assistant professor of sociology at the University of Illinois-Springfield and a Public Voices Fellow with The OpEd Project.



Read More

Close-up shot of a Black woman's hands receiving a mail-in ballot to vote in a USA Presidential, Senatorial, Congressional, or local election

Federal investigators spent eight months reviewing the Allied Pilots Association election, examining ballot secrecy, observer rights, election records and transparency before allowing the results to stand.

Jeremy Poland/Getty Images

What a Federal Investigation of a Union Election Can Teach Us About Democratic Trust

For eight months, federal investigators examined allegations involving ballot secrecy, observer rights, election records and reporting procedures in a contested union election before allowing the result to stand.

Following a disputed election within the Allied Pilots Association (APA), complaints led to a formal review by the U.S. Department of Labor's Office of Labor-Management Standards. Investigators spent months going through election records, audit logs, witness testimony and technical documentation before reaching their conclusion.

Keep ReadingShow less
50501 Movement – Thomas Paine’s Political Philosophy in the 21st Century

circa 1770: The English-born American revolutionary philosopher Thomas Paine, (1737 - 1809), who wrote and published 'The Rights of Man', (1791 - 1792), in England. In it he expressed his support for the French Revolution and called for the overthrow of the British monarchy.

(Photo by Hulton Archive/Getty Images)

50501 Movement – Thomas Paine’s Political Philosophy in the 21st Century

The 50501 Movement can be viewed as a 21st-century manifestation of the anti-authoritarian, pro-egalitarian framework that Thomas Paine championed in Common Sense. Both movements share a core belief in challenging entrenched power and mobilizing the collective voice of everyday people to defend democracy. By utilizing decentralized, nationwide grassroots mobilization to challenge executive overreach and billionaire consolidation, the 50501 movement directly echoes Paine’s anti-authoritarianism, his belief in collective civic power, and his demand that power remains in the hands of the people.

The 50501 Movement mirrors the spirit of Paine’s Common Sense through three primary parallels:

Keep ReadingShow less
  Creative Images & Video Creative Images & Video Images Creative Editorial Video Creative Editorial  Search by image or video I Voted Today paper sticker on mans finger on rustic wooden table

How class, identity, and political recognition shaped the Democratic Party's relationship with rural white working-class voters over two decades.

BackyardProduction/Getty Images

The Thousand Injuries: The Not-Qwhite Voter and the Politics of Recognition

In the fall of 2003, Howard Dean said he wanted to be the candidate for guys with Confederate flags in the back windows of their pickup trucks. It was clumsy but not dishonest. He meant that his party had written off a whole category of American voter and wanted to change that. He was attacked at once, mostly by his own side, and walked it back within forty-eight hours. The lesson his party drew was not that the outreach had been badly phrased; It was that the outreach itself was impermissible, that to pursue the rural white working class voter was to be complicit with everything he was presumed to represent. Dean was the last major Democrat to try, and the consequences have accumulated in the shape of the electoral map.

Edgar Allan Poe understood something the party still does not. "The Cask of Amontillado" opens with a line that ought to hang in every campaign office: the thousand injuries of Fortunato the narrator had borne as best he could, but when Fortunato ventured upon insult, he vowed revenge. Injuries can be borne as long as the injured man believes his tormentors still regard his suffering as real. The insult is different. It reframes the injuries as deserved, telling the sufferer he is the kind of person who deserves to suffer. Poe's narrator does not recalculate his interests; he takes his revenge at great cost to himself. That is not irrational but human, and it is the most precise framework we have for what has happened to rural white working-class voters over the last twenty years.

Keep ReadingShow less
Painting by John Trumbull made in 1818 depicting the Committee of Five (Adams, Livingston, Sherman, Jefferson, and Franklin) presenting their draft of the Declaration of Independence.

Painting by John Trumbull made in 1818 depicting the Committee of Five (Adams, Livingston, Sherman, Jefferson, and Franklin) presenting their draft of the Declaration of Independence.

Gwengoat/Getty Images

Defending Democracy Through the Founders’ Principles

As we have been celebrating the 250th anniversary of our country's founding, America is faced with its biggest challenge probably ever, save the Civil War. While there is much to celebrate in the 250 years of our existence, this moment is fraught with danger—not just for our democracy but for our founding principles of equality and the people's right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

Unfortunately, most people don't understand the critical role that our country's structure, democracy, and the rule of law play in their efforts to live their lives and pursue happiness. People think, "So what, these issues don’t impact my life."

Keep ReadingShow less