Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Georgia's chaotic primary a late wakeup call, voting rights groups hope

Georgia voters

The line at an Atlanta polling place Tuesday, where some waited longer than three hours.

Elijah Nouvelage/Getty Images

Problematic elections have become unsettlingly common this spring, but Georgia's primary is standing out as particularly disastrous.

By the morning after, civil rights and good government groups were joining mostly Democratic lawmakers in a stark warning: Without more spending, more polling places, more poll workers, more equipment testing and more efficiencies in their vote-by-mail systems, states across the country are bound to replicate Georgia's debilitating chaos.

And that, they said, would turn the November presidential into a national crisis, with the results in dispute and millions of voters concluding they'd been disenfranchised.


The situation would not be helped by a spread of the sort of angry partisan finger-pointing occurring in Georgia about why Tuesday amounted to a master class in how elections should not be conducted — especially in a battleground state that could face potentially record turnout.

After the state urged people to vote by mail, many absentee ballots arrived late, were for the wrong voter or never showed up at all. That forced thousands to risk Covid-19 exposure to head out to vote in person — assuming they could locate one of a shrunken roster of voting centers instead of their usual polling places.

Once they'd arrived, many stood in line for several hours. (The last ballot in Atlanta was cast 195 minutes after the scheduled poll-closing time.) The roster of election workers was down; poll workers pressed into service only recently were minimally trained and overwhelmed. New touch-screen machinery malfunctioned frequently. And many precincts didn't have sufficient copies of paper provisional ballots as backup.

It was a perfect storm, which civil rights groups labeled a form of voter suppression that was as predictable as it was preventable.

"Georgia has had problems with voting for decades, but this was beyond anything in recent history that voters have seen," said Julie Houk of the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, which runs a hotline to help voters navigate election issues.

The problems, especially the long waits, were disproportionately worse in Atlanta and the closest suburbs, home to most of the state's black population. (A report from the Brennan Center for Justice, a progressive voting rights group, has concluded that black voters across the country waited 45 percent longer to cast their ballots in the 2018 midterm election than white voters.)

Voting rights groups say the state's Republican government could have done more to prevent these issues. For instance, officials knew well in advance about the problems with the new equipment — purchased for every polling station in the state in the past year, at a cost of $104 million, to enhance election security by replacing the electronic machines that had no paper backup. A pilot run of the machines last fall showed malfunctions, but the state decided to use them anyway.

Another issue was with the absentee ballot process. When the primary was delayed from March because of the coronavirus outbreak, the state sent all 6.9 million voters an application to vote by mail, but the vendor that produced the ballots was located thousands of miles away in Arizona. This distance caused delivery delays and other inconsistencies.

But Republican Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger blamed county election officials, especially in Democratic areas, for the misbehaving voting machines and long lines. Even before the polls closed, he announced an investigation into how the voting was conducted in Fulton and DeKalb counties, which Atlanta stretches across, so problems could be fixed before November.

"Obviously, the first time a new voting system is used there is going to be a learning curve, and voting in a pandemic only increased these difficulties," he said. "But every other county faced these same issues and were significantly better prepared to respond so that voters had every opportunity to vote."

[See how election officials in Georgia — and every other state — are preparing for November.]

While this primary was particularly disastrous, voter suppression has been prevalent in Georgia elections for decades. And the state's strict voter ID laws, demands for bureaucratic exactitude and penchant for closing polling locations were all aggravated by the public health crisis.

Even basketball legend LeBron James spoke out about the primary. "Everyone talking about 'how do we fix this?' They say 'go out and vote?' What about asking if how we vote is also structurally racist?" he tweeted.



Democrat Joe Biden's presidential campaign called what happened "completely unacceptable." President Trump's campaign laid the fault at Georgia's decision to make mail voting easier, which the president asserts without evidence is a recipe for fraud.

For months, voting rights groups have pointed to inconsistencies in how states, including Georgia, are handling their elections. States could be better prepared if they had enough federal funding. In March, Congress allocated $400 million for states to conduct elections amid the coronavirus, but voting rights groups say this is not nearly enough.

Amy Klobuchar, the Minnesota Democrat who has been the major proponent of having the Senate join the House in providing as much as $1 billion more this summer, said she hoped the Georgia mess would spur that cause.

"When we don't properly fund our elections and develop plans to protect voters, Americans — often in communities of color — get disenfranchised and that's what happened," she said.

With proper funding, Georgia could open more polling locations, hire and train more election workers and process the larger share of mail ballots.

VoteSafe, a coalition of election administrators hoping to find bipartisan consensus for more money, emphasized the amount of work required in the next five months.

"From Wisconsin in April to Pennsylvania and D.C. last week to Georgia yesterday and certainly others, there are clearly opportunities to improve systems before November," said the new group's leaders, former GOP Gov. Tom Ridge of Pennsylvania and former Democratic Gov. Jennifer Granholm of Michigan. "Election administrators at the local, county, and state levels must act immediately and take seriously the threat of a second wave of Covid-19 to safeguard our elections this fall."


Read More

With the focus on the voting posters, the people in the background of the photo sign up to vote.

Should the U.S. nationalize elections? A constitutional analysis of federalism, the Elections Clause, and the risks of centralized control over voting systems.

Getty Images, SDI Productions

Why Nationalizing Elections Threatens America’s Federalist Design

The Federalism Question: Why Nationalizing Elections Deserves Skepticism

The renewed push to nationalize American elections, presented as a necessary reform to ensure uniformity and fairness, deserves the same skepticism our founders directed toward concentrated federal power. The proposal, though well-intentioned, misunderstands both the constitutional architecture of our republic and the practical wisdom in decentralized governance.

The Constitutional Framework Matters

The Constitution grants states explicit authority over the "Times, Places and Manner" of holding elections, with Congress retaining only the power to "make or alter such Regulations." This was not an oversight by the framers; it was intentional design. The Tenth Amendment reinforces this principle: powers not delegated to the federal government remain with the states and the people. Advocates for nationalization often cite the Elections Clause as justification, but constitutional permission is not constitutional wisdom.

Keep ReadingShow less
Postal Service Changes Mean Texas Voters Shouldn’t Wait To Mail Voter Registrations and Ballots

A voter registration drive in Corpus Christi, Texas, on Oct. 5, 2024. The deadline to register to vote for Texas' March 3 primary election is Feb. 2, 2026. Changes to USPS policies may affect whether a voter registration application is processed on time if it's not postmarked by the deadline.

Gabriel Cárdenas for Votebeat

Postal Service Changes Mean Texas Voters Shouldn’t Wait To Mail Voter Registrations and Ballots

Texans seeking to register to vote or cast a ballot by mail may not want to wait until the last minute, thanks to new guidance from the U.S. Postal Service.

The USPS last month advised that it may not postmark a piece of mail on the same day that it takes possession of it. Postmarks are applied once mail reaches a processing facility, it said, which may not be the same day it’s dropped in a mailbox, for example.

Keep ReadingShow less
Post office trucks parked in a lot.

Changes to USPS postmarking, ranked choice voting fights, costly runoffs, and gerrymandering reveal growing cracks in U.S. election systems.

Photo by Sam LaRussa on Unsplash.

2026 Will See an Increase in Rejected Mail-In Ballots - Here's Why

While the media has kept people’s focus on the Epstein files, Venezuela, or a potential invasion of Greenland, the United States Postal Service adopted a new rule that will have a broad impact on Americans – especially in an election year in which millions of people will vote by mail.

The rule went into effect on Christmas Eve and has largely flown under the radar, with the exception of some local coverage, a report from PBS News, and Independent Voter News. It states that items mailed through USPS will no longer be postmarked on the day it is received.

Keep ReadingShow less
People voting at voting booths.

A little-known interstate compact could change how the U.S. elects presidents by 2028, replacing the Electoral College with the national popular vote.

Getty Images, VIEW press

The Quiet Campaign That Could Rewrite the 2028 Election

Most Americans are unaware, but a quiet campaign in states across the country is moving toward one of the biggest changes in presidential elections since the nation was founded.

A movement called the National Popular Vote Interstate Compact (NPVIC) is happening mostly out of public view and could soon change how the United States picks its president, possibly as early as 2028.

Keep ReadingShow less