Growing a movement: Inter-movement convenings
Molineaux is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and president/CEO of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund. Christen is a lawyer, a senior officer in the Navy Reserve JAG Corps, a seminarian, and a member of an independent Critical Connections team catalyzing inter-movement community and capacity building among democracy and civic health-promoting organizations to achieve collective impact. All stated opinions are his own and do not represent the positions of the U.S. Navy.
Like the interstate highway system made travel by car easier across the United States, our democracy ecosystem needs inter-movement work to attract and retain more Americans dedicated to a new way of being citizens.
Who we know and who they know has more influence on – and is a better predictor of – our ability to innovate, what actions we decide to take, and our ultimate success than our own capabilities and attributes. When it comes to building a movement, many aligned and misaligned people and their organizations need deeper and broader relationships to bring the movement to fruition.
In this case, our shared movement goals are 1) to protect and upgrade democratic values and 2) promote civic health for the long term. The wonky term “inter-movement” is being used to describe this growing community of relational organizing amongst pro-democracy leaders from across the political spectrum. Before we had the interstate system, we had a disjointed collection of state highways and backroads to get across the country. While Route 66 is now iconic, it wasn’t efficient. In much the same way, the inter-movement approach to organizing this ecosystem seeks to meaningfully connect the matrix of intra-movement relationships together to maximize collective effectiveness and efficiency.
In recognition of the self-induced effectiveness cap that comes from siloed or limited relationships, many key actors in the “democracy ecosystem” are looking beyond their own focus areas to proactively seek out meaningful relationships with counterparts from across the ecosystem. This inter-movement approach to community building is becoming increasingly visible as more and more convenings are bringing together people and organizations from multiple fields to innovate solutions together.
One such inter-movement strategy meeting was convened on Sept. 12, featuring two dozen leaders representing the sub-groupings like the bridging the divides field, the structural reform field, colleagues focused on new narratives and solution voters, and inter-movement cross-pollinators and strategists. This convening featured a generative discussion about how the democracy ecosystem can optimally connect, align, and organize to be relevant and responsive to everyday Americans – in other words, how do we organize ourselves? The meeting highlighted numerous upcoming opportunities for cross-field participation and for incorporating these inter-movement topics into agendas and discussions to further organize and grow the movement.
Upcoming connected convenings
Here are a few significant upcoming events that will bring groups together:
- The National Association of Non-Partisan Reformers Annual Summit will be held Dec. 7-9, 2022 in San Diego. While primarily focused on structural reforms, NANR is inviting organizations in other fields to sponsor inter-movement conversations during the summit.
- The American Democracy Summit, the newest evolution of RepresentUs’ game-changing Non-Partisan Conference to Unrig the System, has been rescheduled for the spring of 2023. In the lead-up to the in-person summit, RepresentUs is also hosting the American Democracy Summit virtual series featuring a variety of structural reforms topics.
- As part of their “More Perfect” campaign, the Partnership for American Democracy and its partner organizations are hosting a series of "action-forcing" convenings, including upcoming events focused on service, bridging divides and trusted information.
- Introducing a novel form of cross-partisanship through an “open party” that welcomes anyone willing to put the needs of the country over partisanship, the Forward Party is hosting a flood of local and national events, including its national kickoff event in Austin, Texas, on Sept. 24, 2022. As the Forward Party has expressed a desire to support the efforts of the democracy ecosystem, these events may present opportunities to form valuable local and national connections between the party and the existing ecosystem.
As the size of the democracy ecosystem continues to rapidly expand, new organizational leaders’ ability to comprehend and find their place in the ecosystem becomes increasingly difficult. New leaders and citizens find themselves on the disjointed state highway systems without a map to get where they want to go.
People come to the democracy system following a moment of awakening – that call to become involved in shoring up our democratic values. Each of us knows what our moment was. What happens next will typically follow one of two paths. First is the researcher who begins the Google searches and 1-1 interviews to join the work. Second is the entrepreneur who starts their own solution to protect and strengthen democracy, then discovers the ecosystem and struggles to find their place in it. The Horizons Project has made a resource to help these newcomers make sense of the ecosystem.
Citizen Connect (like The Fulcrum, a project of the Bridge Alliance) was also launched in 2021 as a one-stop shop to help match newcomers to existing organizations. With nearly 600 organizations, their events, and their on-demand content available in one location, it is an invaluable pathway for organizations and everyday Americans to participate in movement efforts. For the researchers, it’s a treasure trove of information. For the entrepreneurs, it’s a place to join. Widespread promotion of the platform will help everyone find something of interest in one or two clicks.
Inter-movement community building is the first step towards the democracy ecosystem more effectively and collaboratively responding to our collective challenges. By connecting in-person at upcoming convenings, relational organizing will provide opportunities for collective impact. Preparing for collective impact will give the entire inter-movement community the tools necessary to be more effective, efficient, resilient, and responsive to whatever democracy needs today, tomorrow, and in the future. The remaining question then is what inter-movement conversations are not currently happening that you can host?
A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.