Singer is a registered nurse and clinical assistant professor at University of Illinois Chicago College of Nursing. She is a public voices fellow of The OpEd Project.
Like millions across the globe, since Oct. 7 and the start of the Hamas-Israeli conflict, I have been stricken with grief, anger and emotional paralysis.
As a Jewish American woman with deep ties to Israel, I have friends and family who have friends and family killed by Hamas militants at the music festival and at various kibbutzim. I have a friend whose cousin is still a hostage in Gaza and whose chances of survival seem to diminish as news of the deaths of hostages, including at the hands of Israeli soldiers, emerge.
As a Jew serving in academia and health care with deep respect for human life, I am appalled at Israel’s military response, which disproportionately kills innocent Palestinians and destroys their lives, livelihoods and communities.
As a nurse with over a decade doing global humanitarian work, I am horrified by Israel’s targeting of hospitals, ambulances, schools and mosques and the restrictions put on the entry of humanitarian aid, even as there is evidence that Hamas threatens civilians by using these sites to conceal military equipment.
The rise, throughout the world, of antisemitism, Islamophobia and anti-Arab hatred is a tragic outcome of the war.
Yet the lack of civil discourse, especially on college campuses, is perhaps most upsetting. Students, faculty and staff seem unable to talk coherently through differences of opinion or perspective on the conflict.
Rep.Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) was called put in 2022 by her then fellow Republican lawmaker Adam Kinzinger of Illinois for espousing replacement theory, a conspiracy theory that accuses Jewish people of participating in a plan to diminish white Americans and their influence by replacing them with non-white Americans). And yet she took advantage of this difficult moment and turned a congressional hearing on antisemitism into a take-down of the presidents of three Ivy League universities.
Elizabeth Magill, president of the University of Pennsylvania, was forced to resign while Harvard University President Claudine Gay and MIT’s Sally Kornbluth have so far withstood calls for their resignation. Their transgression was to uphold freedom of speech and suggest that calls for the genocide of Jews does not violate the university’s code of conduct.
This political theater seems to have refocused the discussion away from what is actually happening on campuses. To be sure, calling for or glorifying the genocide of any group is abhorrent. As is carrying out acts of war that target civilians, which has led to protests and vigils on campuses across the country, where it seems everyone has staked their position as pro- one side and anti- the other.
Of course, this polarization is not unique to universities. Research shows most Americans are emotionally polarized, meaning that they dislike people from the other party — often intensely. While this emotional, or affective, polarization does not cause political violence, it creates an environment in which civic discourse is degraded and political violence becomes more acceptable.
Institutions of higher education – with their focus on knowledge acquisition, open inquiry, and the sharing and application of ideas – must be places where critique is the path to growth, disagreements are constructive, and diversity of opinion are celebrated.
Yet, it seems the academy has often become a place where adherence to dogma is the norm.
Of course, there are exceptions. Dartmouth College has been hosting programs to foster understanding about the current war. Brandeis University suspended classes to hold a teach-in with 14 sessions exploring the conflict.
These efforts must be the rule, not the exceptions. While I laud universities’ efforts to foster such dialogue, trying to repair the fabric of the community in the middle of the crisis is too late. We need to be equipping our students, faculty and staff with the skills to engage in civil discourse as part of campus culture.
Certainly, broaching controversial topics in the classroom is difficult. Students may be uncomfortable and therefore shut down – or lash out. It is the responsibility of faculty to give them the tools to manage those situations. Yet, in my experience, faculty members are not systematically provided with the tools to facilitate such dialogue or manage challenging conversations.
But change is possible. The National Center for Free Speech and Civic Engagement provides a list of resources to help institutions of higher education facilitate challenging conversations across differences. Some of the initiatives come from colleges and universities and others come from outside the academy.
As a student at the University of Michigan, where I earned a master’s degree in Middle East and North African Studies in the early 1990s, I saw students hold robust debates grounded in text, lived experience and mutual respect. We watched the signing of the Oslo Accords, waiting with bated breath to see if Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and Palestinian Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat would reach across the chasm that separated them ideologically and actually shake hands as a step to building peace.
During these past months, I have yearned for those sometimes very uncomfortable — but safe — conversations. Over the past few weeks, I have purposefully engaged with friends and colleagues on both sides of this debate as a way to build my own skills in engaging in and hopefully fostering civil discourse.
Faculty cannot wait for specialized training. Now is the time to start talking and to keep listening.



















Eric Trump, the newly appointed ALT5 board director of World Liberty Financial, walks outside of the NASDAQ in Times Square as they mark the $1.5- billion partnership between World Liberty Financial and ALT5 Sigma with the ringing of the NASDAQ opening bell, on Aug. 13, 2025, in New York City.
Why does the Trump family always get a pass?
Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche joined ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday to defend or explain a lot of controversies for the Trump administration: the Epstein files release, the events in Minneapolis, etc. He was also asked about possible conflicts of interest between President Trump’s family business and his job. Specifically, Blanche was asked about a very sketchy deal Trump’s son Eric signed with the UAE’s national security adviser, Sheikh Tahnoon.
Shortly before Trump was inaugurated in early 2025, Tahnoon invested $500 million in the Trump-owned World Liberty, a then newly launched cryptocurrency outfit. A few months later, UAE was granted permission to purchase sensitive American AI chips. According to the Wall Street Journal, which broke the story, “the deal marks something unprecedented in American politics: a foreign government official taking a major ownership stake in an incoming U.S. president’s company.”
“How do you respond to those who say this is a serious conflict of interest?” ABC host George Stephanopoulos asked.
“I love it when these papers talk about something being unprecedented or never happening before,” Blanche replied, “as if the Biden family and the Biden administration didn’t do exactly the same thing, and they were just in office.”
Blanche went on to boast about how the president is utterly transparent regarding his questionable business practices: “I don’t have a comment on it beyond Trump has been completely transparent when his family travels for business reasons. They don’t do so in secret. We don’t learn about it when we find a laptop a few years later. We learn about it when it’s happening.”
Sadly, Stephanopoulos didn’t offer the obvious response, which may have gone something like this: “OK, but the president and countless leading Republicans insisted that President Biden was the head of what they dubbed ‘the Biden Crime family’ and insisted his business dealings were corrupt, and indeed that his corruption merited impeachment. So how is being ‘transparent’ about similar corruption a defense?”
Now, I should be clear that I do think the Biden family’s business dealings were corrupt, whether or not laws were broken. Others disagree. I also think Trump’s business dealings appear to be worse in many ways than even what Biden was alleged to have done. But none of that is relevant. The standard set by Trump and Republicans is the relevant political standard, and by the deputy attorney general’s own account, the Trump administration is doing “exactly the same thing,” just more openly.
Since when is being more transparent about wrongdoing a defense? Try telling a cop or judge, “Yes, I robbed that bank. I’ve been completely transparent about that. So, what’s the big deal?”
This is just a small example of the broader dysfunction in the way we talk about politics.
Americans have a special hatred for hypocrisy. I think it goes back to the founding era. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed in “Democracy In America,” the old world had a different way of dealing with the moral shortcomings of leaders. Rank had its privileges. Nobles, never mind kings, were entitled to behave in ways that were forbidden to the little people.
In America, titles of nobility were banned in the Constitution and in our democratic culture. In a society built on notions of equality (the obvious exceptions of Black people, women, Native Americans notwithstanding) no one has access to special carve-outs or exemptions as to what is right and wrong. Claiming them, particularly in secret, feels like a betrayal against the whole idea of equality.
The problem in the modern era is that elites — of all ideological stripes — have violated that bargain. The result isn’t that we’ve abandoned any notion of right and wrong. Instead, by elevating hypocrisy to the greatest of sins, we end up weaponizing the principles, using them as a cudgel against the other side but not against our own.
Pick an issue: violent rhetoric by politicians, sexual misconduct, corruption and so on. With every revelation, almost immediately the debate becomes a riot of whataboutism. Team A says that Team B has no right to criticize because they did the same thing. Team B points out that Team A has switched positions. Everyone has a point. And everyone is missing the point.
Sure, hypocrisy is a moral failing, and partisan inconsistency is an intellectual one. But neither changes the objective facts. This is something you’re supposed to learn as a child: It doesn’t matter what everyone else is doing or saying, wrong is wrong. It’s also something lawyers like Mr. Blanche are supposed to know. Telling a judge that the hypocrisy of the prosecutor — or your client’s transparency — means your client did nothing wrong would earn you nothing but a laugh.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.