Zaidane is the president and CEO of Millennial Action Project.
Millennials are sweeping into public office: From 2018 to 2020, the United States saw a 266 percent increase in young people running for Congress. In 2021, young people made history with candidates like Nadarius Clark, the youngest Democrat elected to the legislature in Virginia history, and 36-year-old Brandon Umba, a Republican elected to the New Jersey General Assembly. It’s clear from this swell of young people stepping into public service that we are not only ready to shift the political status quo, but we see ourselves as agents of change to do just that. However, to succeed, there’s one thing this generation of elected leaders is missing: professional development.
Kaplan Solutions attributes major benefits to professional development, including increased retention, confidence and credibility, easier succession planning, re-energized staff, and increased efficiency. A recent Gallup report found that 59 percent of millennials say opportunities to learn and grow are extremely important to them when applying for a job. That’s more than any other generation, and legislators are no exception. Freshman members of the House of Representatives are asking for resources that can help them navigate the modern challenges they face. Instead, as Rep. Ilhan Omar shared, “When people are giving you advice, it’s from decades ago as a freshman.”
It’s not always a question of will. In some cases, more senior legislators simply lack the skills that new legislators desperately need to learn. As Congress has become increasingly hyper-polarized, the most visible policymakers are not always the best role models for young leaders. That puts new lawmakers in a tough position: They can either learn bad behaviors from the colleagues they see around them, or they can try to learn how to be an effective policymaker without any support or resources to do so.
In a hearing held by the House Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress, freshmen asked for more robust onboarding and professional development in areas like promoting civility and respect, as well as in leadership training. The committee’s vice chair, Rep. Will Timmons, said in a joint statement with fellow committee member Mary Gay Scanlon, “We came to Congress with different backgrounds but with a similar goal, and that’s to solve problems for the American people. By improving the support, resources, and tools available to new Members of Congress, we can help the next generation of leaders get to work as soon as they set foot in our nation’s capital.” This desire for professional development doesn’t stop with young legislators. Congressional staffers reported similar needs when it comes to investing in their career growth and development. Yet instead of receiving the support they require, these aides — the majority of whom are millennials — are burning out at their jobs and quitting in just 3.1 years.
The outcome of providing more professional development is clear: Our young elected officials and their teams want training to craft and enact good policies for their constituents. The more equipped our leaders are, the more equipped we are to tackle issues important for the future. And the good news is, even though millennials may feel under-equipped for the positions they are taking on today, the tide seems to be turning when it comes to investing in the future. Millennial-run congressional offices have begun advocating for improving pay and benefits, along with securing up-to-date technology, equipment and platforms for their staff.
Millennials are now the largest generation in America, making up the majority of the American workforce, military, consumers and more. They are diving into leadership positions such as CEOs, managers, investors and even members of Congress. As millennials take the reins, our success will ripple across the organizations, industries and institutions that we lead. It’s in everyone’s best interest to make sure that the next generation of leaders has the tools, training and skills to do their jobs well. Young people have taken the first step towards changing our politics for the better. Now we need to make sure they have the resources available to get the job done.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.