Lee is a staff physician at Massachusetts General Hospital and an instructor of medicine at Harvard Medical School.
There is little debate that there is a deadly and worsening shortage in primary care, and that primary care is a cost-effective and evidence-based model of health care that promotes wellness and prolongs life.
For example, an epidemiological study of U.S. population data found that every 10 additional primary care physicians per 100,000 people was associated with a 51.5-day increase in life expectancy. However, from 2005 to 2015, the density of primary care physicians decreased from 46.6 to 41.4 per 100,000. Despite this, only 5 percent of total health care dollars are spent on primary care. In Medicare, only 3 percent is spent on primary care despite the greater needs of older and disabled adults for care coordination and management of chronic conditions.
The deadly and worsening shortage has been recognized for years.
Its progression has occurred despite the efforts from various governments and organizations. It is primarily the result of a very biased payment system that richly rewards surgeons and other procedure-based specialties. Cognitive-based specialties such as primary care are reimbursed less than procedure-based specialties such as surgery. This pay disparity is further aggravated by primary care’s financial reliance on fee-for-service payment, which is a retrospective approach that depends on maximizing volume and hence rushed visits. These issues have over the last 30 years generated a shortage in primary care physicians relative to surgery and other procedure-based specialties.
The origin of this flawed payment system dates to the 1970s. The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services was created in 1977. In 1986, CMS formed the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission to help solve rising health care costs. MedPAC was heavily influenced by the American Medical Association, which in turn was heavily influenced by various surgical and other procedure-based specialties. In 1992, CMS, heavily influenced by MedPAC, created the Medicare Physician Fee Schedule. MPFS richly rewards surgery and other procedure-based specialties. Cognitive-based specialties such as primary care were thereafter reimbursed less. The MPFS was pivotal for physician payment since private insurances typically base their payment amounts on Medicare reimbursements.
In 1991, George H.W. Bush’s administration started a conversation about health reform, and that issue became a focus of the Clinton administration. In 1996, the Institute of Medicine released a report that made comprehensive recommendations to improve primary care. Since then, there have been several other IOM reports. Unfortunately, most of the recommendations were never implemented. In 2010, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act aided primary care through the expansion of federally qualified health centers, Medicaid expansion and health information support. It, however, did little to implement most of IOM’s 1996 recommendations.
The National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine report on the state of primary care of 2021 was significant for electing to use the 1996 IOM report as a starting point but then focusing on implementation. It highlighted that decades of underinvestment, the lower primary care physician reimbursement rate, and reliance on a fee-for-service business model have all significantly contributed to the deteriorating state of primary care and the shortage of primary care doctors. The NASEM report of 2021 outlined five key objectives to implement to repair primary care. It, however, prioritized payment reform as the most critical topic to reverse the trends and strengthen primary care.
No one is claiming that doctors are poorly paid, but the shortage is the result of less compensation for primary care relative to other specialties. When a medical student is faced with a debt of about $200,000 and is choosing a specialty, he/she is opting for a specialty with twice if not three times the annual salary of a primary care physician. Bills are being proposed that offer loan forgiveness for medical students who choose primary care and agree to practice in rural settings. If passed, these measures should help in the long term to increase access, especially in rural areas, but this is a slow fix to a problem that is quickly accelerating due to an aging workforce, many of whom are opting for early retirement.
Changing how and how much Medicare and private insurances pay for primary care is essential. I believe that Congress must have the authority to instigate and enforce these changes. In turn, patients need to make local and national legislators aware of the dire circumstances in primary care and how it is impacting their lives. Patients need to demand more government and private investment in primary care and a complete overhaul of the primary care physician payment system and business model. Congress can task CMS to implement these changes and/or create new expert panels. Congress should consider the following to strengthen primary care:
- It should modernize the flawed and outdated MPFS. It should task CMS and a new expert panel to use the current evidence to design a new MPFS or even create two separate fee schedules to help protect payments for primary-care-related services from being decreased to accommodate for increased payments for other specialty services.
- It should help create an additional business model and source of revenue other than the existing fee-for-service business model. Congress should help develop a partial capitated per-member per-month payment model. This should provide primary care physicians a fixed amount per patient in advance to write renewal prescriptions, battle insurance companies; denials of ‘edications and treatments, and answer patient e-mail and telephone questions.
- It should direct CMS to require an increase in overall spend on primary care. CMS could require Medicare and other plans to not just report annual spending but to mandate that a greater proportion of total spending is dedicated to primary care.
Americans need to realize that the limited accessibility, rushed primary care visits, and rising health care costs are due to a biased payment system that favors procedures rather than primary care. They will hopefully promptly realize the last few decades have proven that only a top-down approach will work and that their voices are necessary to drive the needed physician payment reforms that will re-vitalize if not save primary care. It is my hope that every American will reach out to their respective representatives in Congress and advocate.



















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.