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Family First: How One Program Is Rebuilding System-Impacted Families
Feb 04, 2026
“Are you proud of your mother?” Colie Lavar Long, known as Shaka, asked 13-year-old Jade Muñez when he found her waiting at the Georgetown University Law Center. She had come straight from school and was waiting for her mother, Jessica Trejo—who, like Long, is formerly incarcerated—to finish her classes before they would head home together, part of their daily routine.
Muñez said yes, a heartwarming moment for both Long and Trejo, who are friends through their involvement in Georgetown University’s Prisons and Justice Initiative. Trejo recalled that day: “When I came out, [Long] told me, ‘I think it’s awesome that your daughter comes here after school. Any other kid would be like, I'm out of here.’” This mother-daughter bond inspired Long to encourage this kind of family relationship through an initiative he named the Family First program.
Long founded the program through Georgetown’s Prisons and Justice Initiative (PJI), where he serves as a program associate. Long was incarcerated when he was 18 years old and sentenced to life without parole. He served 26 years in various federal prisons before he regained his freedom in 2022 through DC’s Second Look Amendment Act, which expanded on previous legislation and allowed incarcerated individuals who were under 25 years old at the time of their crime and had served at least 15 years to request a reduced sentence. He started taking Georgetown classes through PJI’s Prison Scholars program when in the DC Jail, earned his Georgetown degree, and began working with PJI just days after his release.
PJI hosts many successful prison education and reentry programs to assist currently and formerly incarcerated individuals, but Long noticed a key gap in their work. “All our programs are a response-based method to this problem called mass incarceration,” he said. “How come we can’t incorporate a more preventative method program? You know, targeting the youth and the children of justice-impacted families and working on [breaking] the cycle of intergenerational incarceration?”
Nearly half of incarcerated individuals held in state prisons have children under the age of 18, and about 1.25 million children have an incarcerated parent. Many of these children’s lives are uprooted as they are forced to move in with other family members. They often face health and cognitive challenges during their development, as well as stigma that can lead to isolation and make it difficult for them to enjoy a “normal” childhood. Prisons and jails also make it difficult for parents and children to maintain contact. Two-thirds of incarcerated parents never receive visits from their children, mainly due to strict visitation policies and being located far—often hundreds of miles—from home.
“Men and women coming back to society have a certain apprehension as far as reintegrating themselves back into their child’s lives. They already feel a sense of shame, a sense of abandonment,” Long said. “So when we create experiences where the child and the parent can laugh together…you see how the family structure starts to reintegrate itself. And that end itself helps me combat the system of having children repeat the patterns that they saw from their parents.”
The Family First Program aims to strengthen family bonds through programming and outings for system-impacted parents and their children to experience together. Long began gaining interest by reaching out to families who were alumni of other PJI initiatives, including Trejo.
A Los Angeles native, Trejo was incarcerated for five years in federal prison before she moved to DC in 2021 in search of a fresh start. She graduated from the MORCA-Georgetown Paralegal Program in 2023 and now works at the DC Office of Human Rights. She also regained custody of Muñez after not having seen her for seven years, and soon after, her niece, Joellie. “I was learning to be a mother again all over,” she shared.
Trejo and Muñez have participated in the program since its first event, a two-hour financial literacy workshop for parents and children, which allowed them to learn and grow together. Other events since include trips to Legoland and Six Flags, kayaking on the Potomac River, and a holiday lunch. Up to 20 families usually participate, depending on the event, and children range from three years old to teenagers.
“The whole thing is how do we rebuild family bonds… by creating these experiences that were robbed due to the parents’ incarceration?” Long said. “As far as the actual outcome of the program, it’s beautiful.”
“It’s an amazing feeling,” Trejo said. “You know, to be able to create those memories through a program that's catered to returning citizens and their children.” She was thrilled that Nuñez loved the kayaking trip so much that she asked Trejo if they could do it again, just the two of them.
“I think Jessica and Jade really played a big part for me, just seeing that and witnessing that,” Long said. “Like, damn, this is something that’s needed.”
“I think that’s a critical missing aspect of crime prevention that people really don’t invest in,” he shared. “It’s easy to respond to something versus to actively prevent something from happening.”
One of the biggest challenges Long faces is organizing the events, given that all the participants—himself included—are still rebuilding their lives post-incarceration. Funding also always poses a challenge, and he hopes to have the means to fund more trips for more participants in the future.
What he is most hopeful for, however, is that Family First can serve as a model and inspire others to start similar initiatives. “I would appreciate that more than just somebody giving me money to continue running our program,” he said. “I’d love to see other people latch onto the idea and replicate it to a greater scale than I can do.”
“It gives a sense of pride for the child, you know, the child understands that yesterday, they may be able to remember time and their mom and dad wasn’t here, but it is also witnessing their mom and dad making strides to build a better life for the both of them.”
Alexis Tamm is a student at Georgetown University. An avid writer and aspiring journalist, she is passionate about solutions-focused reporting and driving change through storytelling.
Alexis was a cohort member in Common Ground USA's Journalism program, where Hugo Balta served as an instructor. Balta is the executive editor of the Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network.
The Fulcrum is committed to nurturing the next generation of journalists. Learn more by clicking HERE.
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Stanford’s Strengthening Democracy Challenge shows a key way to reduce political violence: reveal that most Americans reject it.
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How to Reduce Americans’ Ambivalence About Democracy
Feb 03, 2026
In principle, a person who supports a government of, by, and for the people should not also support a system that concentrates power in the hands of a few. Yet substantial and rising shares of American adults say they view democratic and autocratic forms of governance as equally acceptable. (See Table 1.)
Table 1. Share of Americans Who Like Both Autocracy and Democracy
When autocracy is defined as… | 1995 | 2006 | 2017 | 2024 | 2025 |
A strong, unrestrained leader [1] | 19% | 25% | 30% | 25% | 37% |
Army Rule | 5% | 11% | 16% | .. | .. |
Theocracy | .. | .. | 15% | .. | .. |
Margin of error (95% confidence interval) | 2.5% | 2.8% | 1.9% | 1.7% | 4.4% |
1. A strong leader who does not have to bother with Congress and elections.
Sources: World Value Surveys through 2017, the Washington Post and the Schar School for six swing states in 2024, and ActiVote for 2025.
Ambivalence About Autocracy Is Not Confined to One Party
Americans in both major parties show susceptibility to autocracy’s appeal. In this sense, the tension between democratic and autocratic impulses is not new — it persists whenever people seek political advantage by altering the rules of governance.
Consider two examples:
- In 2011, 32% of Democrats said they viewed democracy and a strong, unrestrained leader equally favorably.
- In 2017, the Republican share reached a similarly high level.
(See Figure 1.) These patterns suggest that roughly 18% of Americans are consistently ambivalent, regardless of political context, while the rest shift with partisan winds.
This dynamic aligns with findings from other researchers:
- People tend to be more open to weakening democratic constraints when the president is from their own party, hoping it will help advance their agenda.
- Conversely, they prefer stronger democratic guardrails when the president is from the opposing party, hoping to slow the other side down.
Thus, with President Obama in office in 2011, Democrats were more likely than Republicans to favor a strong, unrestrained leader. The pattern reversed under President Trump in 2017.
Figure 1. Share of Americans Who Were Ambivalent Between Autocracy & Democracy
This self-serving attitude, especially when widely held, allows ambitious politicians to try to weaken democracy to their advantage. It might also indicate a problem in existing civic education programs at all grade levels through college.
Ambivalent Americans Are a Crucial and Reachable Audience
They represent a large pool of potential new support for democracy. In addition, while most are less active politically now, many are open to becoming more so. Imagine how things might change if even half of those people could be inspired to reject the temptations of autocracy and become active supporters of American democracy!
The Center for Free, Fair, and Accountable Democracy, where I serve, is a small 501(c)(3) founded in 2018. We are dedicated to helping more American adults understand why American democracy is valuable enough to defend and improve. Every educational resource we produce is reviewed by at least one conservative and one progressive expert. (Learn more at https://cffad.org/.)
We have begun researching this ambivalent population to develop a theory of change aimed at helping them recognize the connection between the quality of their lives and the quality of American democracy — and how their participation can improve both.
Our work draws on evidence from scholars and practitioners in civic education, political participation, democratic resilience, and political psychology. We are examining what distinguishes ambivalent Americans, how to reach them, and how to support meaningful shifts in their attitudes and behaviors.
Could Two Shifts Make a Meaningful Difference?
Our emerging theory of change suggests that an ambivalent person’s openness to autocracy could be significantly reduced by encouraging them to do just two things:
- Update their understanding of what is essential to democracy.
- Abandon a politically expedient mindset that prioritizes results by any means over accountable representation and freedom.
Importantly, our analysis so far indicates that it may not be necessary to change deeply held values or reduce ideological polarization. The role of affective (emotional) polarization remains uncertain — though the shifting partisan patterns we observed suggest it may matter. We are gathering more evidence.
We recognize the challenge ahead. Capturing and sustaining the attention of adults who are busy, overwhelmed, or disengaged is no small task. But the stakes are high, and the potential impact is real.
If you have insights, questions, or interest in collaborating, we welcome your outreach at team@cffad.orgDoug Addison is the founder of The Center for Free, Fair, and Accountable Democracy. He and his organization are working to build an understanding of why American democracy is valuable enough to defend and improve
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The Protect Reporters from Excessive State Suppression (PRESS) Act aims to fill the national shield law gap by providing two protections for journalists.
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FBI Search of Reporter Marks Alarming Escalation Against the Press
Feb 03, 2026
The events of the past week have made the dangers facing a free press even harder to ignore. Journalists Don Lemon and Georgia Fort (who is also the vice president of the Minneapolis chapter of the National Association of Black Journalists) were indicted for covering a public event, despite a judge’s earlier refusal to issue an arrest warrant.
Press‑freedom organizations have condemned the move as an extraordinary escalation, warning that it signals a willingness by the government to use law‑enforcement power not to protect the public, but to intimidate those who report on it. The indictment of Lemon and Fort is not an isolated incident; it is part of a broader pattern in which the administration has increasingly turned to subpoenas, warrants, and coercive tactics to deter scrutiny and chill reporting before it ever reaches the public.
That pattern was on stark display just days earlier, when on the morning of Jan. 14, 2026, the FBI searched the home of Washington Post reporter Hannah Natanson as part of a probe into whether a government contractor shared classified documents. The FBI seized her computers and phone, along with other items. This is the first time that the federal government has searched a reporter’s home to find evidence of a leak.
At the same time, the FBI issued a subpoena to the Washington Post demanding that it produce communications between the contractor and any other Washington Post employees.
This action is part of ongoing efforts by the Department of Defense (DOD) to control how the press reports on its activities. For example, last September, DOD issued a new media policy that conditioned media access to the Pentagon on reporters pledging to obtain prior approval for what they publish, including unclassified information. This prompted longstanding defense and national-security reporters to walk out and surrender their badges in protest.
Last April, Attorney General Pam Bondi rescinded guidelines created in the last administration to essentially prohibit the federal government from the use of subpoenas and warrants against the news media. The Attorney General’s new measures erased these prior efforts to safeguard the work product of journalists and instead made it easier to pursue information from the media.
As all of these actions send shockwaves through the media landscape, the implications for our Constitution and the rule of law are profound.
1. Democracy depends on an informed electorate, not just formal elections
A functioning democracy requires that citizens be provided with truthful and factual information about their government that includes misconduct, abuse, and failures in real time. Investigative journalism is one of the few mechanisms that brings that information to light and holds those in positions of power and authority accountable.
2. Compelling the disclosure of sources chills speech before it reaches the public
Even if the right to publish a story is protected by the First Amendment, sources will be deterred from coming forward in the threat of subpoenas, contempt, or search warrants. The search of Natanson’s home is already having a chilling effect on journalists and is sending a message to any whistleblowers in the government.
3. The chilling effect is asymmetric—and democracy pays the price
Government officials retain institutional power and control over investigative, disciplinary, and enforcement mechanisms, while individual sources—career civil servants, contractors, analysts, and military personnel—do not. As Georgetown Law Professor Steven Vladeck stated, one major concern in this action is that the government may be using the excuse of a contractor investigation “as a pretextual basis for trying to obtain the identities of Natanson’s sources inside the executive branch unrelated to [the contractor’s] alleged offenses.”
4. The harm to our democracy and the First Amendment occurs long before these issues can be adjudicated
Regardless of whether this matter is litigated, the most damaging effects are felt immediately. Natanson is well-known as an extraordinarily well-connected journalist with extensive government sources, all or most of whom had an expectation of confidentiality. The government now has access to all her contact information on her devices and likely their messages, which is terrifying to those who came forward to share their concerns about government actions that they believe the public needs to know. Further, consider the sources who now may never come forward, the stories that are never pursued, and the evidence that may never come to light. Perhaps this is the actual goal of the government’s action.
By the time a subpoena is litigated, the loss to democracy has already occurred.
5. Leadership matters at every level
In response to the execution of the subpoena, the Executive Editor of the Washington Post sent an email to the newsroom characterizing the search as an extraordinary and aggressive action that “raises profound questions and concern around the constitutional protections for our work.”
The owner of the Washington Post, Jeff Bezos, has remained silent.
Consider another time in history when the Washington Post had to respond under extraordinary circumstances. Katherine Graham owned the Washington Post at a time when it was under intense pressure–both politically and legally–from the Nixon administration as it sought to restrain the publication of classified documents and was attacking the newspaper for its Watergate coverage. Graham exhibited legendary courage at that time in her open support of her newsroom and the decisions that she made in the face of specific threats to the financial future of the Washington Post from the President of the United States.
If ever there were a time for the top leadership of one of the nation’s preeminent publications to speak out strongly in defense of its newsroom, that time is now.
Conclusion
As the administration, and particularly the Department of Defense, continue to employ tactics to prevent the American people from learning any information about the government other than what the administration chooses to share, it is increasingly critical that all Americans speak out in support of freedom of the press and in defense of the rule of law.Lauren Stiller Rikleen, Susan Rubel, Amanda Cats-Baril, Arabella Meyer is the leadership team for the Meeting the Moment initiative of Lawyers Defending American Democracy an organization dedicated to galvanizing lawyers and other members of the public “to defend the rule of law in the face of an unprecedented threat to American Democracy.” Its work is not political or partisan.
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Police tape and a batch of flowers lie at a crosswalk near the site where Renee Good was killed a week ago on January 14, 2026 in Minneapolis, Minnesota.
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Who Is Made To Answer When ICE Kills?
Feb 03, 2026
By now, we have all seen the horrific videos—more than once, from more than one angle.
The killings of Renée Nicole Good and Alex Jeffrey Pretti weren’t hidden or disputed. They happened in public, were captured on camera, and circulated widely. There is no mystery about what occurred.
What followed is just as revealing. While the public and affected communities called for a reckoning and refused to look away, the Trump administration showed no real pause and no contrition. There was no acceptance of responsibility. No urgent effort by President Trump or the GOP in Congress to slow things down and ask whether a line had been crossed. Instead, the machinery of ICE kept moving—resisting accountability and doubling down on denial.
When the government can kill and move on as if nothing happened, something has gone badly wrong.
This isn’t about a single officer or a single moment. It’s about what happens when power operates without a higher authority clearly willing—or able—to say stop. Lethal force is used, defended, and then absorbed as routine.
At that point, the question becomes unavoidable: what does it say about the Trump administration—and about us as a people—if federal agents can roam our cities wielding lethal power with little fear of being held accountable? This behavior should be beyond the pale in a country that still claims to be the world’s oldest democracy. It reflects a system in which restraint has been abandoned and oversight treated as optional rather than essential.
Where True Accountability Is Coming From
This is where the story truly shifts. What makes this moment especially troubling is where accountability is actually coming from. It is being driven largely by people and institutions outside the federal government—journalists recording events as they happen, lawyers filing suits, community groups documenting patterns of ICE abuse, and ordinary citizens refusing to let these deaths fade quietly from view. That Americans are stepping into this void is heartening. That they have been forced to do so is the indictment.
What has emerged in Minneapolis is best understood not as spontaneous protest, but as organizing and concerted community action. That distinction matters. Much of this work is deliberately quiet and often invisible: neighbors informally watching out for one another; adults walking vulnerable children to school to reduce the risk of encounters with ICE; church groups assembling food parcels for families too afraid to leave home; community organizations using encrypted messaging to track suspected ICE vehicles and activity; and others carefully logging and archiving evidence of abuses. This picture reflects deep, sustained community organizing rather than anger flaring in the moment.
All of this is basic civic work—constitutionally protected and democratically necessary. But it was never meant to serve as the primary safeguard against state power. When accountability depends mainly on those outside government, something structural has failed in the constitutional system.
Some state governments have stepped into that vacuum, particularly where communities have been directly affected. Attorneys general and governors have begun asking questions the federal government has declined to answer. That intervention shows resilience, but it also signals a breakdown. States are acting because national institutions have failed to do so.
Congress, for its part, has been largely content to watch from the sidelines. A razor-thin Republican majority has left leadership unwilling or unable to confront the executive branch in any sustained way. Oversight has stalled. Accountability has become episodic rather than structural. At the moment when moral leadership is most needed, Congress has failed the test.
The Supreme Court has been quieter still. It has not moved to define limits or signal that firm boundaries exist around the domestic use of lethal state power. Whether through delay, deference, or silence, the Court has left dangerous room for ambiguity. In moments like this, silence is not neutral. It shapes behavior.
The Case for Delay—and Why It Fails
Defenders of the administration offer familiar responses. This is just enforcement. These situations are complicated. Courts take time. It is true that law enforcement is difficult and legal processes are often slow. But none of this explains why accountability appears optional rather than inevitable. In a functioning democracy, complexity does not suspend scrutiny. Time does not excuse silence. When lethal force is used in public, the burden should fall on the state to explain itself—not on the public to move on as if nothing happened.
Why This Moment Matters
By the time this is read, days will have passed. The initial shock will have dulled. Other stories will have crowded it out. That, too, is part of the story.
What we are living through now marks an inflection point in the country’s history—one that may prove as consequential as others we only recognize clearly in hindsight. Not because of a single incident, but because of what followed: how quickly the machinery of government resumed its pace, how little resistance emerged from national institutions, and how easily the use of lethal force slipped into the background of public life. Over time, these signals tell agents how much force is tolerated, institutions how much risk comes with intervention, and the public what it is expected to accept.
The most disturbing part is not only that these killings occurred, but how quickly they are being normalized.
Democracies do not collapse all at once. They erode when limits blur, when force replaces judgment, and when institutions charged with restraint decide it is politically expedient to look away.
What this moment makes clear, however, is that the public has not failed. The people and institutions outside the federal government are responding largely as they should—documenting abuses, demanding answers, and refusing to let these deaths be forgotten. It is the federal government that has failed, and failed deliberately, as presidential overreach has gone unchecked and accountability treated as optional. That places a heavy burden on the rest of the country. In this moment of crisis, those outside the federal government must continue to show up, press for answers, and insist on restraint and accountability for as long as necessary. The alternative—silence, fatigue, and resignation—is precisely what unchecked power depends on. It is also the best hope for forcing a reluctant GOP Congress to get off the sidelines and pass tough laws regulating ICE.
Robert Cropf is a Professor of Political Science at Saint Louis University.
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