Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Abortion, race and the fracturing of the anti-abortion movement

Man holding an anti-abortion sign

The tangled threads of race, religion and power have long defined the anti-abortion movement.

Paul Hennessy/Anadolu via Getty Images

Johnson is a United Methodist pastor, the author of "Holding Up Your Corner: Talking About Race in Your Community" and program director for the Bridge Alliance, which houses The Fulcrum.

The Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision sent shockwaves through the very soul of America, shattering the fragile peace that once existed around the issue of abortion. But amid this upheaval, a quiet reckoning is taking place within the anti-abortion movement itself — a reckoning that lays bare the tangled threads of race, religion and power that have long defined this struggle.

To truly understand this moment, we must first confront the roots of the anti-abortion movement as we know it today. It is a movement born mainly of the white evangelical Christian right, which found its voice in opposition to Roe v. Wade in the tumultuous decades of the 1970s and ‘80s. For many conservative evangelicals, the issue of abortion became a rallying cry, a bulwark against the perceived threats to traditional authority and values.


Yet this history sits in uneasy tension with the movement's professed commitment to the sanctity of all human life. It is a dissonance that grows harder to ignore as the movement itself becomes more multiracial, more multifaith. Today, increasing numbers of Black and Latino Christians stand as anti-abortion witnesses, driven by a potent mix of religious conviction and deep concern over the disproportionate impact of abortion in their communities. These voices are calling the movement to account, forcing a reckoning with its racial blindspots and its often-unexamined alliance with a conservative agenda that has all too often devalued Black and brown lives.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

At the same time, the goals of the anti-abortion movement have grown more politically charged. In the aftermath of Dobbs, many states have enacted near-total abortion bans, with no allowance for rape or incest. These laws have sparked outrage even among some conservatives, who feel the movement has lost sight of its earlier emphasis on finding common ground to reduce abortions through supporting women and families.

This is not merely an academic question. The answer will have real-world consequences for abortion access, for racial justice and for the very health of our democracy. It demands introspection and courageous conversations about some uncomfortable truths that have long divided us. For courageous conversations to happen, curated space is required where the diverse voices within the anti-abortion movement can be truly heard, particularly those from communities of color. This means more than just tokenizing their presence — it means actively centering their stories, perspectives and wisdom.

Second, the movement's fraught history must be faced head-on without recourse to platitudes or evasions. To do so means grappling with how opposition to abortion became intertwined with resistance to racial and gender equality and how this legacy continues to shape the movement's priorities in the present day.

Third, a more expansive definition of "pro-life" encompassing economic justice, racial equity and the inherent dignity of all human life is demanded. A more expanded or nuanced understanding should advocate for policies that support vulnerable families, address the racial disparities that have long plagued us and promote a more just and equitable society for all.

Finally, we must dialogue with those who disagree with us as our human peers, driven by sincere convictions and a shared desire to do what is right. It means listening actively, speaking humbly and seeking common ground wherever possible, even as we stand firm in our principles.

Ironically, in this moment of upheaval lies an opportunity to forge a new path that is more inclusive, more just and more truly committed to the flourishing of all human life. The question is, will we dare have the necessary courageous conversations?

Read More

Emhoff-Harris family at the convention

Vice President Kamala Harris celebrates with her stepfamily at the Democratic National Convention in August.

Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

We are family: Don’t criticize changing U.S. families – embrace them

Kang is an associate professor and Human Services Program lead in the School of Public Management and Policy at the University of Illinois at Springfield. King is also a public voices fellow through The OpEd Project.

Blended families or bonus families (also known as stepfamilies), whether they are formed through parents’ remarriage or living together, are common. More than 10 percent of minor children in the United States live with a stepparent at some point.

Both presidential candidates are stepfamily members. Donald Trump has five children from three marriages. Vice President Kamala Harris has two stepchildren through her marriage to Doug Emhoff.

Keep ReadingShow less
Crowd protesting in Boston

Pastor Dieufort "Keke" Fleurissaint addressed the crowd as members of the Haitian community and their allies gathered in Boston to denounce hateful rhetoric aimed towards Haitian migrants in Ohio and elsewhere in the United States.

Jessica Rinaldi/The Boston Globe via Getty Images

Hating on them is hating on us

Johnson is a United Methodist pastor, the author of "Holding Up Your Corner: Talking About Race in Your Community" and program director for the Bridge Alliance, which houses The Fulcrum.

As a resident and registered voter of the state of Ohio, I am distressed by the rhetoric Donald Trump and J.D. Vance have directed towards Haitian immigrants in Springfield. I am an American citizen who, by default of pigmented skin, could be assumed to be Haitian or something other. It pains and threatens me that such divisiveness and hatred are on the rise. However, it strengthens my resolve to demand a more just, equitable and loving nation and world.

Keep ReadingShow less
Woman standing in front of a mural

Sindy Carballo-Garcia stands in front of a mural promoting education.

Beatrice M. Spadacini

More support is needed in schools, says Latina youth leader

Spadacini is a freelance journalist who writes about social justice and public health.

The Fulcrum presentsWe the People, a series elevating the voices and visibility of the persons most affected by the decisions of elected officials. In this installment, we explore the motivations of over 36 million eligible Latino voters as they prepare to make their voices heard in November.

The Arlandria neighborhood of Northern Virginia is located just a few miles southwest of the nation’s capital in a patch of land adjacent to the Potomac River, an area that was prone to frequent flooding in the 1960s and 1970s. The history of this diverse and resilient community is rooted in the struggles of the Civil War, Jim Crow and periodic land grabs by developers eager to profit from the never-ending supply of labor lured by government jobs.

Keep ReadingShow less
Couple lying in tall grass

As many as 50 million to 60 million Americans may have decided that they don’t want to have kids.

Peathegee Inc/Getty Images

Voters without kids are in the political spotlight – but they’re not all the same

Jennifer Neal is a professor of psychology at Michigan State University. Zachary Neal is an associate professor of psychology at Michigan State University.

In the 2024 election cycle, voters without children are under the microscope.

Republican vice presidential candidate JD Vance has said that “childless cat ladies” and older adults without kids are “sociopaths” who “don’t have a direct stake in this country.”

So it was notable that when pop star Taylor Swift endorsed Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris, she didn’t simply express her support and leave it at that. She also called herself a “childless cat lady.”

Keep ReadingShow less