Kevin Frazier will join the Crump College of Law at St. Thomas University as an Assistant Professor starting this Fall. He currently is a clerk on the Montana Supreme Court.
Judicial independence is a cornerstone of a strong democracy. Blatant efforts by Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to chip away at that foundation by weakening the Israeli judicial branch have unsurprisingly and rightfully caused hundreds of thousands of Israelis to vigorously protest. Likewise, defenders of the rule of law from around the world have decried the proposed assault on the nation’s courts. The strength of these protests reflects the seriousness of the alternative to an independent judiciary: minority and vulnerable communities left with no branch of government designed or incentivized to look out for their interests.
American leaders are among those who compelled Netanyahu and his allies to table the overhaul. Yet, those same leaders have not looked at the threats facing their own judiciaries.
In states across the country, state legislators are attempting to pass some, if not all, of the same types of reforms being considered in Israel. As of December 2022, the Brennan Center had identified at least 74 bills in 25 states that would have politicized or undermined the independence of state courts. Four states went so far as to enact bills enabling the override of state court decisions or prohibiting state officials from enforcing particular laws. One state initially made their process for selecting judges more partisan -- a u-turn from a century-long progression of states attempting to make judicial selection more nonpartisan and more focused on judicial, rather than political competence.
Though the independence of state supreme courts is on the line, Americans have largely remained on the sidelines — seemingly unaware or unconcerned about efforts to turn courts into rubber stamps of legislative and executive action. This lack of action should concern anyone who values the rule of law. If the people do not rally to defend their state courts, then three outcomes are likely:
First, qualified lawyers who strive to fairly apply the law in a neutral and accurate manner will not be selected to state supreme courts. Judicial selection mechanisms have been and continue to be trending toward capture by special interest and partisan powers. Rule of law advocates need to pushback against any proposal that will make judges — in law or in practice — beholden to a narrow set of stakeholders who can exert undue influence on judicial candidates.
Second, once state supreme court justices look more like politicians than neutral adjudicators, minority communities may doubt the legitimacy of court opinions. This lack of trust will create a sort of doom loop: diminished trust in the courts will facilitate diminished trust in the parties and powers that seized control of the courts and so on, until faith in political institutions becomes impossible to revive.
Earlier in American history, reformers turned such a lack of faith into fuel for overhauls of judicial selection. Concerns about excessive influence by partisan actors over the appointment process gave rise to judicial elections in the 1840s. When those elections failed to enhance judicial independence, reformers again channeled popular distrust into necessary reform — most recently by passing the Missouri Plan (subjecting justices to votes of popular confidence after having been initially selected by a merit commission). No such reform has caught on in recent decades — accentuating and accelerating the doom loop of distrust in institutions.
Third, widespread and entrenched doubts in our political institutions will encourage drastic efforts to restore public faith. Rather than experiment with the incremental reforms that helped stem and reverse distrust in previous moments of doubt, pressure will mount to destroy systems rather than nudge them.
The sky is not falling in Israel nor in the US. But Israelis have recognized that the destabilization of the courts is a step toward a bleak future. Americans need to wake up to the nightmare scenarios being explored in their state legislatures. The judicial branch used to be conceived as weak, but in the hands of a motivated political majority, courts can be wielded as a tool against those most in need of protection.




















Democratic U.S. Senate candidate Graham Platner speaks to voters at a town hall at the Elks Lodge 188 on June 7, 2026, in Portland, Maine.
McConnell and Platner both feel entitled
The two men could not be more different. One, a Republican, octogenarian, seven-term Southern senator, the other a progressive, millennial Maine oysterman who’s never spent a day in elected office.
But Mitch McConnell, the senior senator from Kentucky who’s been MIA for the past few weeks and Graham Platner, the Maine Senate candidate who’s facing calls to drop out of his race against Sen. Susan Collins, apparently do have something in common: an outsized sense of entitlement.
McConnell, who is 84 and not running for reelection, has been hospitalized for three weeks, and yet we still don’t fully know what he was admitted for or what his condition is. Per CNN, “his office has not disclosed a medical reason for the hospitalization or provided specifics on his health status beyond saying last week that he ‘continues to improve’ and ‘is working closely with his staff on Kentucky and Senate matters.’ ”
While several legislators have said they’ve talked to him and insist he sounds strong, others have said they are completely in the dark. One MAGA influencer, Laura Loomer, posted ”High level source close to the White House tells me ‘Mitch McConnell is officially brain dead. He’s not coming back.’ ”
Meanwhile, up in Maine, Platner has been artfully dodging calls from his own party to drop out of his race after several allegations of misconduct from women, including a sexual assault allegation from a former girlfriend, came to light. While Platner, who has managed to survive a Nazi-tattoo scandal, a sexting scandal, and several old tweets scandals, denies the allegations, he has not quit.
High-profile Democrats including Sens. Bernie Sanders and Chuck Schumer, the latter of whom had unsuccessfully hand-selected Maine Gov. Janet Mills to face Collins instead of Platner, have urged Platner to drop out, while other Dems have accused him of trying to influence the picking of his replacement.
Maine Democratic Party Executive Director Devon Murphy-Anderson released a statement Tuesday, which said in part:
“Unfortunately, Graham Platner’s team has repeatedly reached out to us in an attempt to put their thumb on the scale of what this process looks like. We have repeatedly reiterated to Graham Platner’s team that they have no role in determining our next Democratic nominee for the U.S. Senate nor in determining what this process looks like.”
Both incidents show a deep lack of accountability to voters, who in one case deserve to know whether their senator is capable of performing his duties, and in another deserve a candidate who isn’t being accused of crimes, bigotry and deception.
The offensive and odious entitlement of both McConnell and Platner stands out not because it is particularly unique among today’s political class. Tom Kean, the New Jersey GOP congressman, missed more than 100 votes, only sharing after a three-month mystery absence that he was dealing with depression.
Former President Joe Biden’s Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin failed to disclose a hospitalization for prostate cancer surgery, flouting the established rules for Cabinet members and senior U.S. officials.
From Biden’s insistence on running for reelection despite his obvious cognitive and political weaknesses to Trump’s brazen flouting of laws and norms, few politicians seem to appreciate that their public service job comes with responsibilities to constituents, including transparency and honesty.
But both parties increasingly justify the chicanery, because the stakes of winning elections and keeping power are simply too high. But that’s no excuse. If we’ve learned anything over the past decade, it’s that character and accountability do, in fact, matter. And when we, the voters, stop caring about it, well, so do they.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.