Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
We need the space, time and safety to explore options for co-creating our future. We need to pilot ideas and practices that could strengthen our commitment to democracy. The two-year election cycle in the United States is currently designed to keep us in an endless loop focused on elections. What our nation needs is more imagination, creativity and experimentation. We need functional governance. And in this time of increasing political violence, how might we avoid or minimize harm with a future vision of inclusion and belonging – for all people? All. People.
To make this a reality, we need advocates for Justice, Equity, Dignity and Inclusion, or JEDIs for democracy.
In August of 2022, Bridge Alliance convened 30 JEDI fellows, containing a BIPOC majority as a representation of the future of our nation. These JEDI’s actively engaged around deepening relationships, sensemaking and solutions to sticking points in our current system; received leadership development and a foundation on which to draw from for the rest of their careers.
In this Part 1 of a series we focus on JEDIs in the news.
JEDI Jerren Chang is the founder and CEO of GenUnity, an organization designed to build a community based on our shared humanity.
Chang says at GenUnity “we envision a community by everyone for everyone, because when we are co-creators in building the systems that impact us, we are all better off. We bring residents together to tackle the issues critical to their communities, starting by connecting their own lived experiences to the systems and power structures that shape them. Together, residents translate their passion and learning into civic action — from introducing new legislation to changing workplace policy — ultimately transforming what we believe is possible with democracy.”
GenUnity’s issue-focused community leadership programs (like Health Equity in Boston) convene up to 50 residents — from ‘proximate experts’ experiencing the issue to the ‘siloed experts’ working in institutions to address them — for ten weeks, three hours per week. Through facilitated sessions and small-group discussions with local partners, members go through successive modules that build up their understanding of the issue, connecting people’s lived experiences to the systems and power structures that shape them. In the process, they develop leadership skills like active listening, systems thinking, and action planning. The inquiry-based conversations that members engage in help folks uncover “why” issues persist in their community and “how” they can use their power to drive change. Upon completing the program, members join the Lifetime Community of Practice (LCOP), where they continue to build deep peer-to-peer connections and collaborate on the execution of their action plans.
Since 2020, they have launched four programs on Health Equity and Housing Insecurity, serving nearly 150 residents. One of their residents, Gloribel (Housing ’20), met Suffolk Law School housing discrimination researchers and connected them with her representative, Adrian Madaro, and together they drafted and introduced legislation to combat bias against voucher holders and Black renters. Another resident, Alex (Health Equity ’22), learned how changing reimbursement policies could expand access to affordable LGBTQIA+ and behavioral healthcare, especially in communities of color, and is now spearheading this effort within Blue Cross MA.
Chang and his team believes in and are committed to being champions for equal opportunity, individual agency, and the transformational power of compassion and community to build a better world.
These guiding beliefs start with his parents. On his father’s side, his grandfather benefitted from a civil service exam that provided a pathway to education and a career. This in turn allowed him to move his family from poverty to the middle class, even while escaping to Taiwan during the Chinese Civil War. His mother was born an orphan in Malaysia and adopted by a low-income single mother whose individual compassion changed the course of his mother’s life. Through their journeys, Chang experienced his generational inheritance in America as an opportunity and obligation to tap into our compassion for each other — to build systems that provide equal opportunity and, by extension, the agency and liberation that all deserve.
In reflecting on his upbringing Chang says:
“G rowing up as a scrawny Asian-American kid in upstate New York, I didn’t know what embracing this generational inheritance looked like. I got lucky. I I found opportunities for civic learning through work, from researching global migration at McKinsey, to doing policy work at the Chicago Mayor’s Office, to graduate school at Harvard’s Kennedy and Business Schools. Most importantly, these experiences enabled me to see how our top-down, technocratic approaches to social change conflate compassion with control, agency with paternalism. Without transforming the underlying power dynamics of who gets an equal say in systemic decisions, we will never build the systems of opportunity our communities deserve. At GenUnity, I am committed to a different kind of leadership — one that centers equity, not ego; decentralizes power to those most proximate to community needs; and builds a culture, organization, and model that mirror our hopes for our democracy: compassionate, humble, diverse, and equitable.”
GenUnity’s work is shifting our narrow conceptions about civics (e.g., voting and volunteering) to an empowering understanding of ‘civic well-being.’ Civic well-being recasts civics as a set of universally relatable questions: How are people in my community doing today? How do our systems and power structures shape those outcomes? The use of well-being concretizes why civics matters to each of us as individuals, organizations, and communities. It provides a framework to understand the strengths we bring — such as the unhoused person who knows how to navigate existing social services — and where we need support — such as connecting with decision-makers with whom we might not have access. At a time when it feels like the country can’t agree on our underlying beliefs, civic well-being offers us a pathway to claim our agency, recognize that not all civic engagement is equally helpful, and engage in productive practices to promote our own and our communities’ wellbeing.
Chang believes we can transform civic culture to one where people most impacted by issues are seen as experts, centered and empowered to co-create solutions alongside institutions; where these relationships are not just transactional to design policies and practices, but consistent and longstanding pillars of solidarity; where our community is truly by everyone, for everyone.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.