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Seven Days in March

Seven Days in March

Tucker Carlson speaks during 2022 FOX Nation Patriot Awards at Hard Rock Live at Seminole Hard Rock Hotel & Casino Hollywood on November 17, 2022 in Hollywood, Florida.

Photo by Jason Koerner/Getty Images

Goldstone is the author of the forthcoming "Not White Enough: The Long Shameful Road to Japanese American Internment."

In 1961, shortly after John F. Kennedy had been sworn in as president, two journalists, Fletcher Knebel and Charles W. Bailey, set to writing a political thriller. It was inspired by the unsettling behavior of two generals, Edwin Walker and Curtis LeMay, both of whom had a history of using their positions to spout dangerous right-wing rhetoric that threatened to provoke nuclear war. In Knebel and Bailey’s version, a highly decorated Air Force general and chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff plots with other senior military officers to seize power from the president to prevent a disarmament treaty with Russia from going into effect.


And so, the nation got Seven Days in May, which shot to the top of the New York Times best sellers list and remained on the list for months. When Kirk Douglas and director John Frankenheimer decided to adapt the book to the screen, Kennedy, who had read the novel and thought it frighteningly plausible, encouraged the project and even helped in the production. The film, as the book, enjoyed enormous success.

The two leads were Burt Lancaster, who played the general, and Douglas, as a marine colonel who helped foil the plot. But it is with two other members of the cabal that current interest lies. One is a California senator, played by ubiquitous character actor Whit Bissell, and the other is an overly ambitious right-wing media celebrity, played by Hugh Marlowe, who had once been the lead in Earth vs the Flying Saucers. Without those two, representatives of the civilian government and the media, the plan would fail.

That of course brings us to another, more recent, unholy alliance between government and the media, this one involving Speaker of the House and third in line for the presidency, Kevin McCarthy, and overly ambitious right-wing media celebrity Tucker Carlson. McCarthy, on the ludicrous grounds of “transparency,” gave Carlson, who is only transparent in his smug cynicism and duplicity, exclusive access to 40,000 hours of security tapes of the January 6 insurrection. Carlson, to the surprise of no one, selected a few carefully edited, out of context clips to support his contention that the vast majority of those who illegally entered the Capitol were merely “sightseers.” (One must wonder if Carlson would have been so sanguine if some left-wingers used the same justification to break into his home, stroll about, and then walk off with keepsakes.)

Although Carlson’s attempt to sanitize the invasion of Congress and minimize the violence was widely condemned, even by a number of Republican senators, it was also likely to reinforce the far-right narrative that the insurrectionists were merely patriots trying to save the country from an illegally anointed president-elect. It is a small step from there to conclude that the invaders were justified in their actions, and would be equally so in the future, the sort of political role reversal worthy of George Orwell.

That recently released emails and texts in the Dominion voting machine lawsuit demonstrate that Carlson is none too wedded to the incendiary rhetoric he brays out nightly in no way minimizes the danger from his distortions and outright lies. In fact, that his only motivations appear to be wealth and celebrity, that he may have no real core beliefs at all, actually enhances the risks from his broadcasts.

But the real danger emanates from the political side. Kevin McCarthy may not be the brightest person in Congress—Nancy Pelosi didn’t call him a moron for nothing—but even he must have some awareness of the perils of encouraging a segment of the nation that has already made it quite clear that they have no interest in democratic norms and have convinced themselves that they should rule by divine right. If he doesn’t, he should, since he was in the Capitol, afraid for his life, during the very insurrection he is now downplaying.

As individuals, Carlson and McCarthy are hardly unique and the United States is no stranger to either scurrilous media coverage or political opportunism. Just months after the presidential election of 1828, for example, Andrew Jackson’s wife Rachel, who had been unfairly portrayed in the press as an adulteress, died of a heart attack after falling into depression because of the attacks. In 1864, famed political cartoonist Thomas Nast portrayed Abraham Lincoln as an ape, this just seven years after the publication of Charles Darwin’s On the Origin of Species. (In a bit of irony, Lincoln and Darwin were born on the same day, February 12, 1809.)

In the first decades of the twentieth century, newspaper magnates V. S. McClatchy and William Randolph Hearst shamelessly published article after bigoted article vilifying Asian Americans and helped create and perpetuate the poisonous atmosphere used as the justification for the illegal imprisonment of more than 100,000 totally innocent Americans of Japanese descent in 1942. Hearst, who admired all things German, including Adolph Hitler, was a ferocious crusader against communists, real and imagined…mostly the latter. The number of articles demonizing African Americans in newspapers and magazines across America are too numerous to count.

In conjunction with these media campaigns, there are invariably conniving politicians slipstreaming along, eager to advance their careers by latching on to popular prejudice. Urbane, erudite James Duval Phelan happily exploited anti-Asian prejudice to be elected mayor of San Francisco and United States Senator. Theodore Bilbo spewed the vilest slander of Black Americans to become both Mississippi’s governor and then senator. Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy saw communists in every corner of America. Each of these and the many, many others of the same ilk were fawned on by media supporters.

With all that, however, the McCarthy-Carlson conspiracy is both different and more dangerous. Here is an actual partnership, a marriage of the unethical and the unscrupulous, aimed at undermining both faith in fundamental institutions and the rule of law. McCarthy has thus initiated the sort of blurring of government and media that one would expect in Putin’s Russia and other dictatorial regimes.

Democracy demands that the press be free of government control. It should also be free of government collaboration.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

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