Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

To help heal divides, we must cut “the media” some slack

To help heal divides, we must cut “the media” some slack

Newspaper headline cuttings.

Getty Images / Sean Gladwell

A few days ago, Donald Trump was inaugurated. In his second term, just as in his first, he’ll likely spark passionate disagreements about news media: what is “fake news” and what isn’t, which media sources should be trusted and which should be doubted.

We know we have a media distrust problem. Recently it hit an all-time low: the percentage of Americans with "not very much" trust in the media has risen from 27% in 2020 to 33% in 2024.


We think most would agree we want high trust in news. However, this growing distrust isn’t only about news quality; it’s also a manifestation of our toxic political divides. Many are, of course, angry at news outlets they associate with the “other side.” But many also have grievances against outlets largely aligned with their worldview when they think they’re not doing enough to support the “good guys” or fight the “bad guys.” Our stressful divides lead to us being upset about many things —and, unsurprisingly, this applies to our views of “the media.”

Amidst this rising distrust, it’s worth asking: Are we sometimes too angry at “the media”? We know many people have overly pessimistic views of their political opponents and that this “undue hate” helps drive polarization. Could excessive anger at “the media” also be contributing to our divides? If so, is there value in thinking about “the media” in more nuanced ways?

We can examine this question while acknowledging that news outlets, intentionally or not, do contribute to polarization. News outlets too often seem to cater to their audiences’ existing views which helps people stay in information bubbles. They tend to focus too much on divisive narratives and divisive leaders —and those choices influence our views of what politics can and should be. There are many criticisms we can and should make of news outlets; we must encourage them to do better. But we should also consider whether there’s value in tempering that criticism with empathy and understanding.

Some anger is based on a perception that “the media” is a powerful institution pulling the strings of society. But as media scholar Elizaveta Friesem points out: “Media is just us; it’s just people communicating with each other.”

Journalists are people, like us. They’re not omniscient arbiters of truth (even as their approaches, at times, make it seem like they think they are). Like us, they’re dealing with our confusing and stressful divides as well as a fractured and competitive information landscape. Journalists have conscious and unconscious biases, as we all do. And combatting our own biases is difficult—especially when we have such divergent political narratives.

For example, the New York Times is accused by many of having an extensive liberal bias —but some on the left accuse them of “enabling right-wing spin”, or even of being pro-Trump. Regardless of what you think of the New York Times, the point is that no matter the approach a news outlet takes, it’ll inevitably anger many people who have different politics. Acknowledging that reality can help us better understand the stress that our divides place on media creators.

Some of our frustration with the news is due to people simply not understanding their political opponents. When we’re in conflict, we find it hard to see our adversaries’ point of view. This difficulty is what leads to so many people accusing the “other side” of being brainwashed, of being in a cult, and of creating or believing propaganda. As our narratives diverge more and more, our opponents’ beliefs seem increasingly alien, inexplicable—even downright scary.

A grievance from conservative audiences is that many in the mainstream news have interpreted Trump’s statements in biased and overly pessimistic ways. Many conservatives see that as part of a malicious smear campaign. But there are other explanations for such things besides purposeful deception. Simply put, it’s just easy for people to arrive at very different stances, especially for issues associated with our divides. People’s views about Trump’s statements can vary depending on how they interpret his words and intentions, or how they connect his words to what he’s said in the past on the same issue. This dynamic happens on both sides of every conflict.

Of course, some people do promote information they know is false or misleading. We know our divides can make people think the ends justify the means. But often bias is a much simpler explanation than purposeful deception. We aren’t good at distinguishing genuine belief from deception—and this means we’ll often make mistakes about our political opponents.

Some talk nostalgically about the “golden age” of journalism in the 20th century as if it was a time of high-quality reporting and strong consensus. But we should recognize our rosy perceptions of that time may be largely an illusion, influenced by there being only a handful of powerful news outlets at that time. Some argue our current media fragmentation represents a return to a pre-golden-age environment where a multitude of competing narratives were found across many small newspapers and pamphlets.

No matter how we got here, today’s media is a reflection of our society and the people in it. To reduce political toxicity, we must criticize news outlets and demand that they do better. But if we temper our criticisms with empathy and understanding, we’ll be more persuasive—more likely to be heard and listened to. Maybe someday, we’ll find our way to a new age of trusted news.


Zachary Elwood works with Builders, a nonpartisan organization aimed at overcoming toxic polarization. He’s the author of “Defusing American Anger.”

Read More

Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

General view of Galileo Ferraris Ex Nuclear Power Plant on February 3, 2024 in Trino Vercellese, Italy. The former "Galileo Ferraris" thermoelectric power plant was built between 1991 and 1997 and opened in 1998.

Getty Images, Stefano Guidi

Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

With the rise of artificial intelligence and a rapidly growing need for data centers, the U.S. is looking to exponentially increase its domestic energy production. One potential route is through nuclear energy—a form of clean energy that comes from splitting atoms (fission) or joining them together (fusion). Nuclear energy generates energy around the clock, making it one of the most reliable forms of clean energy. However, the U.S. has seen a decrease in nuclear energy production over the past 60 years; despite receiving 64 percent of Americans’ support in 2024, the development of nuclear energy projects has become increasingly expensive and time-consuming. Conversely, nuclear energy has achieved significant success in countries like France and China, who have heavily invested in the technology.

In the U.S., nuclear plants represent less than one percent of power stations. Despite only having 94 of them, American nuclear power plants produce nearly 20 percent of all the country’s electricity. Nuclear reactors generate enough electricity to power over 70 million homes a year, which is equivalent to about 18 percent of the electricity grid. Furthermore, its ability to withstand extreme weather conditions is vital to its longevity in the face of rising climate change-related weather events. However, certain concerns remain regarding the history of nuclear accidents, the multi-billion dollar cost of nuclear power plants, and how long they take to build.

Keep ReadingShow less
A U.S. flag flying before congress. Visual representation of technology, a glitch, artificial intelligence
As AI reshapes jobs and politics, America faces a choice: resist automation or embrace innovation. The path to prosperity lies in AI literacy and adaptability.
Getty Images, Douglas Rissing

Why Should I Be Worried About AI?

For many people, the current anxiety about artificial intelligence feels overblown. They say, “We’ve been here before.” Every generation has its technological scare story. In the early days of automation, factories threatened jobs. Television was supposed to rot our brains. The internet was going to end serious thinking. Kurt Vonnegut’s Player Piano, published in 1952, imagined a world run by machines and technocrats, leaving ordinary humans purposeless and sidelined. We survived all of that.

So when people today warn that AI is different — that it poses risks to democracy, work, truth, our ability to make informed and independent choices — it’s reasonable to ask: Why should I care?

Keep ReadingShow less
A person on their phone, using a type of artificial intelligence.

AI-generated “nudification” is no longer a distant threat—it’s harming students now. As deepfake pornography spreads in schools nationwide, educators are left to confront a growing crisis that outpaces laws, platforms, and parental awareness.

Getty Images, d3sign

How AI Deepfakes in Classrooms Expose a Crisis of Accountability and Civic Trust

While public outrage flares when AI tools like Elon Musk’s Grok generate sexualized images of adults on X—often without consent—schools have been dealing with this harm for years. For school-aged children, AI-generated “nudification” is not a future threat or an abstract tech concern; it is already shaping their daily lives.

Last month, that reality became impossible to ignore in Lafourche Parish, Louisiana. A father sued the school district after several middle school boys circulated AI-generated pornographic images of eight female classmates, including his 13-year-old daughter. When the girl confronted one of the boys and punched him on a school bus, she was expelled. The boy who helped create and spread the images faced no formal consequences.

Keep ReadingShow less
Democracies Don’t Collapse in Silence; They Collapse When Truth Is Distorted or Denied
a remote control sitting in front of a television
Photo by Pinho . on Unsplash

Democracies Don’t Collapse in Silence; They Collapse When Truth Is Distorted or Denied

Even with the full protection of the First Amendment, the free press in America is at risk. When a president works tirelessly to silence journalists, the question becomes unavoidable: What truth is he trying to keep the country from seeing? What is he covering up or trying to hide?

Democracies rarely fall in a single moment; they erode through a thousand small silences that go unchallenged. When citizens can no longer see or hear the truth — or when leaders manipulate what the public is allowed to know — the foundation of self‑government begins to crack long before the structure falls. When truth becomes negotiable, democracy becomes vulnerable — not because citizens stop caring, but because they stop receiving the information they need to act.

Keep ReadingShow less