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Why, Ohio? Drop boxes kicked to the curb in another battleground.

Ballot drop box in Athens County, Ohio.

The ballot drop box outside the Board of Elections in rural Athens County in southeastern Ohio.

Ty Wright/Getty Images

There won't be any more ballot drop boxes set up in Ohio, assuring more hassle for as many as 700,000 people who might still cast their votes remotely and early in one of the essential presidential battlegrounds.

Voting rights groups announced Thursday they were giving up the legal battle they've been waging since the summer to get many more bins dispatched. They said it has become pointless to ask the Supreme Court to reverse an earlier appeals court ruling restricting the boxes to just one place in each of Ohio's 88 counties.

Drop boxes for completed absentee ballots have sprouted in plenty of places across the country that have never seen them before, a response by election officials to anxieties about voting in person and relying on the mail during the coronavirus pandemic. But as with so much else about election rules this fall, many of those initial accommodations (including for Ohio's primary) have run into stiff opposition from Republicans claiming the potential for fraud.


That was the argument made by Ohio's top elections official, Republican Secretary of State Frank LaRose, when he decreed in August that state law required that ballot boxes for the general election be made available only at each county's board of elections office.

The NAACP, the League of Women Voters and the A. Philip Randolph Institute, a civil rights group, sued in federal court to allow the counties to have as many boxes as they want. They argued the pandemic made anything more restrictive a form of unconstitutional voter suppression — especially in the most densely populated places. More than 500,000 people live in each of the counties that take in Columbus, Cleveland, Cincinnati, Dayton and Akron.

Two weeks ago, federal Judge Dan Polster blocked the secretary of state's order, concluding more drop boxes were permitted by state law. But he was overruled just a day later by the 6th Circuit Court of Appeals, which said LaRose's curbs were reasonable and that making a change so close to the would pose a security risk.

In a separate lawsuit, brought in state court by the Ohio Democratic Party and opposed by Republicans including President Trump's campaign, an appellate court ruled this month that LaRose could allow multiple drop box sites if he wanted — but wasn't legally compelled to do so.

He has permitted the elections board in Cuyahoga County, home to Cleveland, to place a second, 24-hour drop box outside and across the street from the office — and has suggested other counties can do something similar. But LaRose rejected the Cleveland board's plan to also collect ballots at six public libraries.

Similar restrictions have also been imposed recently in another presidential battleground, Texas, and have also survived state and federal court challenges.

Ohio is one of at least nine states that have used drop boxes for the first time this year. Even before the pandemic, they were part of the election mechanics in about two dozen states.

The pressure for more remote collection options in Ohio has only grown in recent days, with the state suffering a surge of Covid-19 cases and a significant absentee ballot production problem causing delays and printing do-overs for forms in 16 counties, Cuyahoga among them. More than 2.4 million mail-in ballots have been requested and almost 1.6 million had been returned by midweek, smashing previous records for the state so far from Election Day. In-person early voting has also been strong

Polling shows the race for the state's 18 electoral votes essentially deadlocked. Trump carried it last time by a comfortable 8 points, preserving the truism that no Republican has ever won the presidency without winning in Ohio. Democrats are hoping for such a strong come-from-behind Joe Biden victory that the party can pick up a pair of competitive House seats in southeastern Ohio.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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