Zaidane is the president and CEO of Millennial Action Project.
The 80/20 rule, also known as the Pareto Principle, is a philosophy that says 80 percent of outcomes are derived from about 20 percent of activities. In business, it’s a positive and simple way to project investments and the productivity of a sales team.
In our democracy, the Pareto Principle is not a good thing.
According to a recent report, due to population dynamics and extreme partisan gerrymandering, 83 percent of congressional seats were decided by only 10 percent of eligible Americans. This powerful minority of citizens vote in primary elections. This year, over 80 percent of people did not vote in the Texas primary, meaning fewer than one in five eligible voters in Texas partook in the democratic process.
As state legislatures finish redistricting and set the political landscape for the next 10 years, it’s imperative to discuss primary reform. Not only to combat hyperpartisanship but also to increase civic participation, ensure more diverse candidate pools, and ultimately represent leadership with various experiences and points of view necessary to write effective policy and better serve the American public.
Problematically, primary voters do not reflect the demographics and ideology of the general population. For example, early primary and caucus states like Iowa, New Hampshire, Nevada and South Carolina represent less than 4 percent of the U.S. population in presidential election years. They also underrepresent the country’s ethnic diversity, yet traditional pundits consider these states indicative of a candidate's overall strength. Furthermore, at a local level, Democratic and Republican primary voters skew older than the population in their neighborhoods and districts despite people under 40 and political Independents ranking as the largest groups in the United States. In comparison, only 7 percent of members of Congress and 5 percent of state legislators are millennials. As a result, this increases polarization because the status quo maintains its power, the most extreme candidates are pushed forward to general elections, and leaders don’t necessarily reflect the communities they serve.
The case for examining our primary system is clear. From gerrymandering to low participation, primaries can often be the nursery for democratic upheaval and unrepresentative outcomes.
Thankfully, several states are setting aside political differences and working toward systematic reform of their primary elections. At the Millennial Action Project, we believe that higher engagement among voters and elected leaders — especially young ones — can facilitate opportunities for creative problem-solving to policy issues across partisan and generational lines. Here are two initiatives worth considering:
Blanket, nonpartisan and open primaries
It’s projected that 11 million registered independent voters are excluded from primary elections due to closed systems. But not every state conducts a closed primary.
Nebraska has been using “blanket primaries” for its unicameral legislature since 1937. All candidates, regardless of party, run together in one large primary and the candidates who receive the most votes proceed to the general election, with some states allowing the top two, top four or even top five candidates to advance.
The state of Washington has been using this process for congressional, state and local elections since 2008. In 2010, California, the nation’s most populous state, followed with almost an identical system. Most recently, Alaska implemented a blanket primary system in 2020. Advocates cite an increase in candidates and turnout among independent voters when primaries are open to all voters.
Ranked-choice voting
Reforms like ranked-choice voting also put power back in the hands of the people. By removing the all-or-nothing approach in our current system, we see opportunities for consensus candidates, innovative policy ideas and coalition building.
In an RCV election, voters rank their candidates in the preferred order. However, suppose no candidate receives a majority of votes. In that case, the candidate with the least number of votes has their ballots redistributed to voters’ second- or third-rank candidates until a candidate has secured a majority. New York City’s 2021 primary analysis revealed that campaigns altered their strategies to build coalitions beyond traditional voter bases.
Additionally, voting patterns told a story in a traditional voting system. For example, Eric Adams, now mayor, won the majority of head-to-head matchups against all candidates; however, there were instances in which he was listed as a second-choice to non-institutional candidates like Andrew Yang and doubled his support. In addition, there were clear preferences for the women candidates in specific neighborhoods. The Board of Elections reported increased voter turnout, with nearly 1 million residents participating in the RCV election compared to 770,000 voters eight years prior.
Political polarization gives an illusion that society is more divided than we are. In fixing how we do primaries, we change who participates in our civic systems and create a democracy that works better for us all.




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.