After the official release of the 2020 census data, Max Carver for RepresentUs explains why it's critical that we understand how partisan gerrymandering disempowers voters — and more importantly, how we can end it before it's too late.
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The path forward for electoral reform
Dec 16, 2024
The National Association of Nonpartisan Reformers hosted its post-election gathering Dec. 2-4 in San Diego. More than 120 leaders from across the country convened to reflect on the November elections, where reform campaigns achieved mixed results with multiple state losses, and to chart a path forward for nonpartisan electoral reforms. As the Bridge Alliance Education Fund is a founding member of NANR and I currently serve on the board, I attended the gathering in hopes of getting some insight on how we can best serve the collective needs of the electoral reform community in the coming year.
A key question driving the discussions was: Why did voters, who expressed deep dissatisfaction with the current system by electing Donald Trump, reject key electoral reform measures designed to fix problems that they repeatedly report being dissatisfied with? This paradox shaped the event’s conversations and underscored the challenges of connecting reforms to voters' frustrations.
Election Results: Wins and Losses
Among the victories, Washington, D.C., passed an open primary initiative, North Dakota protected the ballot initiative process and Arizona defeated a ban on open primaries. Additionally, Oak Park, Illinois, adopted ranked choice voting locally, and Bloomington, Minnesota, defeated a measure to reverse ranked choice voting. In a close result, the state of Alaska also narrowly maintained its open primaries in a closely contested decision.
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However, setbacks were significant. Open primary initiatives failed in Arizona, Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada and South Dakota. Oregon’s ranked choice voting initiative and Ohio’s anti-gerrymandering initiative were also defeated. The mixed results emphasized both the potential and the persistent obstacles of advancing nonpartisan reforms.
Reforms Gain Ground Despite Challenges
Nick Troiano of Unite America highlighted a silver lining: Almost 8 million Americans supported reform initiatives, with campaigns operating on a combined budget of less than 1 percent of the $20 billion spent during the presidential cycle. Troiano reminded attendees of the uphill battle reformers face in a political environment dominated by polarization and outsized spending, including millions spent specifically by the Democratic and Republican parties themselves.
John Opdycke of Open Primaries addressed the issue of funding as well, noting that reform campaigns received more financial backing than expected given the cycle’s focus on "funding both sides." However, he emphasized that the challenge extends beyond funding — it’s about building a sustainable movement, not just running campaigns.
But “movement building” became a significant challenge identified during the gathering. Too often, the “reform movement” is narrowly associated with ranked choice voting and open primaries, which are designed to include independent voices and discourage extreme candidates. The focus on those two issues can result in sidelining other impactful initiatives like vote-at-home policies and deliberative democracy efforts. With a coalition as diverse as the one represented at NANR, developing a cohesive narrative remains a significant hurdle.
Reform means different things to different people. Some may favor ranked choice voting because it makes it easier for independent candidates to win, while others support it because it generates less extreme candidates. Since the bridge-building field shares the goal of focusing on less extreme voices, does that mean bridging should be part of the reform “movement”? Leaders in both fields have strong opinions both ways.
These are complex questions and now is the perfect time for the reform movement to not only adapt strategies for existing initiatives but to also explore how we can engage citizens in fundamental democracy issues that they care about most.
Political Resistance
Opposition campaigns often exploited cultural and political tensions to defeat reform measures.
Republican opponents of reform used the slogan “Open borders, open bathrooms, open primaries” to stoke cultural anxieties, tying electoral reform to unrelated national controversies.
Similarly, in Colorado, trusted Democratic messengers like Elizabeth Warren perpetuated anti-reform messages that contributed to the reform loss.
The subsequent loss in Colorado really highlights the reality that it’s going to take in-state, grassroot efforts to truly turn the tide toward statewide electoral reforms. A September 2024 poll in Colorado showed that 64 percent of respondents supported electoral reform with broad appeal among demographics. How does this polling relate to only 45 percent of Colorado voters actually supporting reform in November? In many states, questions and concerns about out-of-state interests funding the initiatives was a significant factor in the losses. Colorado was different — prominent funder Kent Thiry is a Coloradan, but his involvement paradoxically raised concerns about his political motives, which calls into the spotlight the nuanced challenge of addressing voter skepticism about reform campaigns.
Listening and Learning
There is no shortage of opinions on the “why” of these losses and polling to try and determine the “how.” The Fulcrum shared some analyses by Lee Drutman in November as well. Leaders in the reform community are acutely aware of the wide range of opinions and theories put forth by politicians, political insiders, polling, and the media. But what about the voters?
Leaders also recognized the need for deeper listening — not just polling — to connect voter frustrations with clear, relatable solutions. This approach requires moving beyond surface-level analysis to address the root causes of voter disengagement and resistance.
The event was marked by a spirit of reflection rather than excuse-making. Looking at reasons for our losses and planning for the future included some hard realities. Todd Connor of Veterans for All Voters encapsulated my own critical takeaway from the gathering: “If our involvement in reform is limited to attending gatherings and Zoom calls, we are not close enough to the work.” Reformers must engage deeply with voters to understand their concerns and demonstrate how proposed reforms address these issues.
Looking Ahead
The gathering concluded with a commitment to move beyond post-election analysis and focus on actionable steps. Reformers identified several priorities for the future:
- Crafting a unified narrative: Developing a cohesive story that connects diverse reform initiatives under a shared vision for democracy.
- Deep listening: Engaging with voters to understand their concerns and bridge the gap between frustrations and solutions.
- Sustainable investment: Shifting from campaign-focused funding to long-term movement-building.
Maintaining momentum among the nearly 8 million voters who supported reforms in 2024 is a critical task for reform organizations. Attendees emphasized the need to avoid the mistake made by major political parties: ignoring these voters until the next election cycle. By staying engaged and demonstrating tangible progress, the reform movement can build a stronger, more participatory base.
The NANR gathering reaffirmed a shared commitment to addressing the systemic challenges that undermine American democracy. By embracing lessons from recent losses and focusing on long-term, transformative change, the reform movement aims to align its efforts with the public’s demand for a political system that truly serves everyone. While obstacles remain, the resolve displayed in San Diego offers hope for a more inclusive and participatory future
Becvar is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and executive director of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
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How Alaska is making government work again
Dec 16, 2024
At the end of a bitter and closely divided election season, there’s a genuine bright spot for democracy from our 49th state: Alaskans decided to keep the state’s system of open primaries and ranked choice voting because it is working.
This is good news not only for Alaska, but for all of us ready for a government that works together to get things done for voters.
Alaska’s new system has only been in place for two years. Yet, voters protected it from a repeal effort driven from the extremes because it has already delivered results that Americans in other cities and states would be wise to look to.
I was born and raised in Alaska, so I can attest that ranked choice voting and open primaries have returned a spirit of problem-solving and collegiality to a state where voters want practical results instead of partisan plays. The reality of the state’s terrain and climate require Alaskans to rely on our neighbors no matter their politics.
Before voters enacted this reform, however, Alaska’s Legislature had stopped working this way. Like so many legislatures across the country, lawmaking was stifled by elected leaders beholden to a small partisan primary electorate rather than the needs of the majority. Many Alaskan voters felt alienated by how toxic and partisan elections had become, contributing to lower turnout and engagement, particularly among rural and Alaska Native communities.
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As a result, Alaska’s Legislature was one of the least productive in the country. Lawmakers failed to agree on a budget and couldn’t pass key bills on topics like education, pensions and health care.
Now, that problem-solving spirit is back. With ranked choice voting and open primaries, Alaskans running for office need to talk — and listen — to all of their voters. In Alaska’s system, the top four finishers in an open primary advance to the general election. There, voters have the option of ranking candidates according to their preferences. The winner is the candidate supported by the majority of Alaska’s voters.
In other words, candidates campaign not just to a partisan base, but to all voters in their state.
Voters — including the nearly 60 percent of Alaska voters unaffiliated with either party — have seen firsthand how effective this new system is. In 2022, nearly 20 percent of Alaskans ranked candidates of multiple parties, simply voting for the candidates they thought would do the best job. Alaskans have found ranked choice voting easyto use and like the results it generated.
Yet, the most important improvement hasn’t been the election itself, but what comes after. Those who win know that they have a mandate to solve problems, having won support from a real majority of voters. As a result, lawmakers from across Alaska’s political landscape — Republicans, Democrats and independents — have come together to create governing coalitions that have made real nonpartisan progress on addressing energy issues, growing the state’s economy and workforce, and improving public education.
And so a broadcoalition of Alaskans came forth to protect the reform, even as extreme partisans encouraged them to repeal it and put them back in charge.
The final results were close. But Alaskans of all backgrounds were heard loud and clear. The new system worked, and it is here to stay.
This is a proven and viable system that rescued Alaskan politics from the ditch of dysfunction and potholes of polarization. Just think what ranked choice voting and open primaries could do in your state.
It’s true that voters in three other states (Idaho, Colorado, Nevada) turned similar systems down this year — in part because they were drowned out by millions of dollars and old-fashioned partisan misinformation from those seeking to preserve their hold on power But Alaska is proof that the people who use this system like it and will work to retain it.
Meanwhile, ranked choice voting’s momentum continued unabated at the city level in November. Washington, D.C., voted overwhelmingly to adopt it, as did Oak Park, Illinois. That makes 31 wins in its last 32 votes at the city level, for what has become one of the nation’s most potent and popular election reforms.
That march forward will continue, and the governing results from Alaska are the reason why. Ranked choice voting will keep growing because it works for voters and elected leaders who want to get things done — and voters know it.
Sumpter is president and CEO of FairVote, a nonpartisan organization seeking better elections.
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How to reform the political system to fight polarization and extremism
Dec 13, 2024
On Dec. 19, at 6 p.m., Elections Reform Now will present a webinar on “How to Reform the Political System to Combat Polarization and Extremism.”
In 2021, a group of the leading academics in the United States formed a task force to study the polarization of the American electorate and arrive at solutions to the dysfunction of our electoral system. They have now written a book, "Electoral Reform in the United States: Proposals for Combating Polarization and Extremism," published just this month.
Join this webinar with three leaders of this task force:
- Larry Diamond, professor at Stanford University and noted democracy expert
- Edward Foley, director of the Constitutional Law Center at Ohio State University.
- Rick Pildes, professor of constitutional law at New York University Law School.
They will present the task force findings on new election systems, revamping primary elections, changing the system for presidential nominations and creating new campaign financing rules.
Reform Elections Now is a nonpartisan organization founded by Harvard Business School alumni, inspired by the research of Harvard professor and competitive systems authority Michael Porter and business executive Katherine Gehl on how partisan gridlock is hurting our country. In their book, “The Politics Industry: How Political Innovation Can Break Partisan Gridlock and Save Our Democracy,” they focus on reforms to break the gridlock and help the government serve the interests of all the people. The book brings a fresh perspective, deep scholarship, and a real and actionable solution — final-five voting — to the grand challenge of our broken political and democratic system. Top-four voting has been adopted, was reaffirmed recently, in Alaska and is being advanced in variations for other states. A top-three variation, which does not require ranked-choice voting, will also be explained at the Zoom gathering.
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Our country is badly divided. Americans’ trust in government, elections, media and each other is at historic lows. People on both sides feel alienated from a system that has abandoned them. The two political parties are a duopoly that promotes this divide by catering to their bases, excluding moderates and independents, rejecting bipartisanship and controlling massive spending.
REN believes that election reform is the most systematic way to reduce partisanship in government. To this end, we pursue our mission by providing our members and audiences with insightful analyses, high-return solutions and opportunities for targeted engagement with like-minded organizations and influential leadership. We focus on pragmatic election reform initiatives that are achievable, constructive and measurable.
Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
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Yes, elections have consequences – primary elections to be specific
Nov 25, 2024
Can you imagine a Republican winning in an electoral district in which Democrats make up 41 percent of the registered electorate? Seems farfetched in much of the country. As farfetched as a Democrat winning in a R+10 district.
It might be in most places in the U.S. – but not in California.
Republican Rep. David Valadao won re-election in California's 22nd congressional district, where registered Republicans make up just shy of 28 percent of the voting population. But how did he do it?
It hasn't been easy. He won election in 2022 with 51.5 percent of the vote. This year, he kept his seat with 53.4 percent of the vote. There are, however, a number of variables at play as noted in the Politico piece, "How does Rep. David Valadao keep winning?"
One, he keeps a low profile. He is not out to get "Fox News famous," as one GOP strategist noted. The same strategist also noted that (2) he isn't extreme. "He’s focused on getting the work done."
Notably, Valadao is one of two Republicans who won re-election in 2024 that voted to impeach Donald Trump after the Jan. 6 Capitol Hill riot – something that resulted in many Republicans who did the same losing their seats as a result of being primaried out.
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And still, Valado prevails. This highlights the most consequential variable: California's nonpartisan primary system.
(Primary) Elections Have Consequences
Voters hear the phrase "elections have consequences" a lot these days, but in truth most general elections aren't that consequential. Roughly 90 percent of U.S. House races in 2024 were decided before a single ballot was cast in the November general election.
This is because most districts are safe for one of the two major political parties in the U.S. as a result of partisan gerrymandering which secures districts for a party or because of voter self-sorting (meaning voters move to be with like-minded people).
The phrase that should be more normalized in the U.S. political ecosystem is "primary elections have consequences" because the primaries are the most critical stage of the publicly funded and administered elections process.
These are the elections that matter most, and where candidates actually win their seats.
Most are conducted under a partisan primary structure in which voters are immediately divided between a Republican ballot and a Democratic ballot. Candidates are incentivized to appeal to the voters who participate, which in many cases means only party members.
And historically, these elections do not draw a high turnout. Even among registered party members, it's a fraction of the total.
Due to the small voting pool and limited candidate options (only candidates of a single party), this allows party bosses, aligned special interests, and even ideological movements to weaponize these elections against politicians.
Toe the line – or else
Right now, for example, there is a question of how much pushback President-Elect Donald Trump will get from members of his own party on more controversial decisions, like appointing Matt Gaetz as Attorney General or his proposed policy on tariffs.
“If legislators get out of line, he (Trump) will threaten to support a primary challenge to them in two years. That threat will quiet many possible critics," said Darrell West, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution.
And threats have already been made.
"If you voted for [Merrick] Garland and won’t vote for Gaetz, you will face an immediate primary challenge," wrote conservative activist and Turning Point USA Founder Charlie Kirk on X.
Alabama Sen. Tommy Tuberville warned his colleagues on Fox Business that they can challenge Trump on Gaetz if they want, but if they do, "we’re going to try to get you out of the Senate, too, if you try to do that.”
Those who operate within the system know the consequences of primary elections. They don't just elect most members of Congress but shape the political landscape to be filled with elected officials who put personal and partisan interests first.
And when candidates entrench themselves deeper behind their party's brand, it widens the division between both sides each election cycle, raising the stakes of elections that are defined only by winners and losers.
Why California Is Different
In most other states, a Republican running in a D+10 district would not be treated as a serious contender in the general election. Just like no one would pay much attention to a Democrat running in a R+10 district.
But in the Central Valley in California, party labels don't always matter – especially as the electoral landscape continues to shift in the region.
California's 22nd congressional district is 41 percent Democrat, 28 percent Republican, and 23 percent No Party Preference (NPPs), a substantial chunk of the electorate that can shift the campaign environment entirely under a nonpartisan system.
Under California's Top Two election model, Rep. David Valadao doesn't run in a primary for the 28 percent of the voting population that is registered Republican. He runs in a primary open to all candidates and the entire registered electorate.
This means that from the start he doesn't have to shift his messaging much from the primary to the general election, nor does he have to cater only to a handful of voters who are part of the political minority.
He can keep a low profile. He can be less extreme. He can vote his conscience on the floor of the U.S. House and not be threatened with being primaried because he can draw support from voters outside his party's base.
Remember, Valadao was one of two Republicans who voted for Trump's impeachment after Jan. 6, 2021. The other was Rep. Dan Newhouse of Washington. Guess what California and Washington have in common.
That's right. They both use a nonpartisan Top Two primary system.
Valadao won re-election with 53 percent of the vote, something he could not have done without support from registered Republicans, NPPs and other voters outside the two major parties, AND moderate Democrats who are satisfied with his job performance.
This is the consequence of a primary election system that puts accountability above party loyalty and why nonpartisan election reformers stress the importance of primary reform to give every voter, especially independent voters, an equal voice in the process.
Griffiths is the national editor of Independent Voter News, where a version of this story first appeared.
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