Carney is a journalist and founder of The Civic Circle, which uses the arts to empower young students to understand and participate in democracy.
If the social media universe no longer revolves around Facebook, which is losing users, credibility and market share, what will take its place?
Donald Trump’s much-hyped Truth Social platform has drawn notice lately, but a glitchy rollout, plus the built-in limits on the far-right echo chamber, bode poorly for the former president’s social media experiment.
The more exciting future for social media may lie in exactly the opposite direction — in small, civil sites that vigorously moderate users and messages, cultivate community, and test out a new civic model for online interaction. Picture a platform with no trolls, no bots, no doxxing or name calling, and where users not only exchange civil posts but learn about and explore civic groups and activities.
Sound too good to be true? Not to Matthew Cremins, co-founder of CivilTalk, a self-described “do good network” that aims to bring users together across partisan divides, cultivate community, and stimulate both civic discussion and engagement. The identities of all users are verified, exchanges are moderated, and the site functions as both a civic social media and a networking platform.
“A lot of people just don’t know how to participate in our democracy,” says Cremins, a Chicago-based entrepreneur who launched CivilTalk with California philanthropist Keith Fox. “They see the partisan divide. They see the problems on social media. And their reaction is one of frustration or, even worse, apathy.”
CivilTalk now offers a feature that allows nonprofits and charitable groups to get the word out about their activities, and gives users an easy way to volunteer and donate. The site sells no personal data or ads, and trumpets itself as an alternative to hostility- and misinformation-riddled mainstream social media sites.
Says the site’s chief marketing officer, Andrea Stalf: “It’s not this giant revenue-generating engine. It’s a minimalist way of finding your way in the civic space.”
Of course, that presents a business challenge for a social media platform whose users still number in the hundreds, not the millions, and that charges $19.99 a year for membership. Cremins says the site, which went live late last year, is not out to compete with Facebook, which despite all its troubles still had 1.93 billion users in the last three months of 2021. If CivilTalk could net 7,000 users, its executives say, it could cover its costs and market itself more broadly.
But civic-minded social media startups face a predictable Catch-22, says Ethan Zuckerman, who directs the Initiative for Digital Public Infrastructure at the University of Massachusetts. “They tend to start empty,” observes Zuckerman. “And until you get a lot of people in them, they don’t feel very exciting.”
Nevertheless, Zuckerman sees considerable social value in purpose-driven networks that operate on what he calls “civic logic.” Historically, these have included such sites as Parlio, a pro-civility Egyptian social media alternative launched in the wake of the Arab Spring; Decidem, a Barcelona site designed to facilitate citizen participation in government, and vTaiwan, a Taiwanese site also built around direct democracy and a commitment to constructive conversation.
In the U.S., Zuckerman himself runs AmherstTalks, a small social network for the town of Amherst, Mass., designed to complement town meetings by inviting citizens to engage in local issues online. A Vermont platform called the Front Porch Forum, which launched in Burlington and has now expanded statewide and into parts of New York, aims to connect neighbors in a community-building network that, like CivilTalk, bans anonymity and carefully moderates content.
To Zuckerman, such networks reflect a growing consensus that “Facebook and networks like it may be pretty bad for us.” He adds: “I think we should be imaging networks that are good for us as citizens.” The really exciting thing, Zuckerman has argued, would be if “civic-logic” networks became regarded as a public good, like libraries and public parks, supported by community giving or taxpayer dollars.
In the meantime, CivilTalk and other nascent civil sites will have plenty of competition, not only from mainstream platforms such as Facebook and Twitter, but from the increasingly crowded marketplace of pro-Trump platforms like Gettr, Parler and Rumble. If civic social media survives and thrives, it will likely be on a smaller scale, potentially with a hyperlocal or even neighborhood focus.
At the same time, CivilTalk joins a growing universe of civic leaders and groups working to restore civility and civic engagement, and unite Americans across the ideological divide. More than 100 such groups are working collectively under the umbrella of the Bridge Alliance, whose Education Fund runs The Fulcrum and also CitizenConnect. Like CivilTalk, CitizenConnect offers civic- and democracy-minded individuals and groups a means to discover and network with one another.
“We need to create a stronger infrastructure for the pro-democracy movement that makes it easier for Americans to find us, understand us and engage with us,” says CitizenConnect co-founder Morris Effron.
The work of creating civic spaces on the web is generating more energy and interest than profits these days. But the creators of community-minded social media sites like CivilTalk and the Front Porch Forum say the whole point is to replace the industry’s culture of exploitation with one built on accountability.
As CivilTalk’s Stalf puts it: “We want fewer, really happy-engaged users and organizations that are working toward a common purpose, not hundreds of thousands of people who are coming on to be titillated or throw off sarcastic one-liners.”




















image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.