Panetta is a political reporter with The 19th.
The ranks of Republican women in elected office have been growing: Groups including the Value In Electing Women (VIEW) PAC, Maggie’s List, Winning for Women and Elevate PAC, founded by Rep. Elise Stefanik, have successfully increased the number of GOP women and women of color serving in the U.S. House and state-level offices over the last several cycles.
Those groups now hope the party will learn from the success of women House candidates and take advantage of their most promising Senate map in years to elect more women to the chamber in 2024.
Experts and Republican women say the myriad pickup opportunities, combined with a more hands-on approach from Senate GOP leaders in primaries, present a unique opportunity for women to make progress in the upper chamber. But it’s not guaranteed that more involvement from party leaders would lead to more women getting elected in competitive races. In the sole 2024 primary race where the Senate GOP campaign arm has weighed in so far, the team backed a man candidate.
“This will be a moment for them to step up in those races because you’re talking about some really flippable places for Republicans,” Debbie Walsh, president of the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP) at Rutgers University, said of Republican women’s groups. “These are places they think that Republicans think they have a real shot at — and the reality is that women might not rise up as the obvious candidates.”
The National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC), the official campaign arm of Senate Republicans and its new chair Sen. Steve Daines, are breaking from a tradition of neutrality in primaries and taking a more hands-on role in influencing their outcomes after the party’s disappointing showing in 2022. Many Republican strategists, and those focused on electing more women, say it’s a welcome — and overdue — development — and one that could lead to more women in the Senate.
“I’ve been doing this a long time and I have no desire to win participation trophies,” said Julie Conway, executive director of VIEW PAC, the unofficial campaign arm of Republican women in Congress. “If the NRSC has to put their thumb on the scale to say, ‘Look, we’ve got a better candidate here, a candidate who is going to bring us success in November,’ I think it’s necessary.”
The NRSC did not respond to requests for comment on whether it would actively seek to recruit more women in 2024 races. But Conway said the NRSC’s new willingness to engage in primaries focusing on candidate quality could lead to more institutional support for GOP woman candidates.
Woman candidates are often successful, she said, because “most don’t get in unless there’s a path, and they’ve been very thoughtful about what that path is.”
“In the last three cycles, more than ever, a light switch flipped and people finally realized that, wow, Republican women, when they run, are really good candidates,” she said. “Because by the time they decide to become a candidate, they’ve already done all their own vetting.”
Democrats are defending 23 U.S. Senate seats in 2024, while the GOP is defending just 14, with its most vulnerable seats in Republican-leaning Florida and Texas.
Democrats will be fighting to hold on to seats in Ohio, Montana and West Virginia, three states won by former President Donald Trump, as well as in states narrowly won by President Joe Biden, including Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. Sen. Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, elected as a Democrat in 2018, became an independent in December and is also up for reelection in 2024.
After a performance widely considered underwhelming in 2022, some GOP strategists say the NRSC should take a page from House Republicans, who picked up seats in 2020 and flipped the chamber in 2022 (though by a smaller margin than expected) largely by recruiting women, people of color and women of color who fit their districts.
“What has happened in the House over the last few cycles is that people finally realized that in a lot of these races, the woman is the better candidate,” Conway said.
There are now 33 Republican women in the House, more than in any Congress before, but they only make up about 15 percent of the Republican caucus, according to CAWP. Of the 25 women in the U.S. Senate, nine are Republican, including Sen. Katie Britt of Alabama, the only woman first elected to the chamber in 2022.
Republican women point to the election of Britt, an ex-chief of staff to former Sen. Richard Shelby, as a bright spot of the midterms. But the path to a statewide office is an uphill climb, especially for women who haven’t previously held elected positions or had outside support.
“There are so many qualified, excellent women that want to run and they just don’t know how, or don’t feel like they have the resources to do that,” said Tina Ramirez, a spokesperson for Maggie’s List, a grassroots organization that supports GOP women running for office.
Republican women lack an organization with the equivalent influence and financial firepower of a group like Emily’s List, which endorses Democratic women and spends tens of millions of dollars electing them through its affiliated super PAC.
“One of the biggest challenges they face is that they don’t have those kinds of outside party resources that Democratic women have,” Walsh said of Republican women. “That is really a hindrance for them.”
Walsh said the lack of institutional backing and fundraising networks to tap into creates a catch-22. Women have a higher bar than men to prove they can win in a general election but have fewer established pipelines and networks to raise money. And without raising money, women candidates aren’t perceived as electable.
Conway also said that Republican primary voters often instinctively perceive a woman candidate as more moderate than a man opponent.
“If all you saw were their résumés and they were 100 percent the same, people would assume that the male was more conservative,” she said. “And in a Republican primary, that might be all they need.”
The NRSC’s involvement in primaries could run in either direction for women and differ state by state.
Already, the committee indicated its support for Rep. Jim Banks in the open race to replace Republican Sen. Mike Braun of Indiana after another potential candidate, Mitch Daniels, took himself out of the running. Second-term Rep. Victoria Spartz, who had also considered a Senate run, announced she wouldn’t run for the Senate or for reelection to her House district after the NRSC backed Banks.
It’s unclear how much of Spartz’s decision to step aside, which she said was because of wanting to spend more time with her daughters, was spurred by the NRSC supporting Banks. A representative for Spartz did not respond to a request for comment.
While Banks has sewn up the GOP nomination in Indiana, the 2024 Senate fields are still taking shape in most other states. Nikki Snyder, a member of the state Education Board in Michigan, has jumped into the Republican primary for the open Senate seat in the state. Rep. Lisa McClain, state Sen. Ruth Johnson and 2022 gubernatorial nominee Tudor Dixon have also been floated as potential GOP contenders.
In addition to getting more women elected to the Senate in 2024, advocates for Republican women want to build a robust bench of women elected offices who will be at the top of the list when statewide offices come up for election.
“Success begets success and in the last few cycles especially, we’ve demonstrated that when women run, they win,” Conway said.
They’re also energized by the potential of Nikki Haley’s presidential run to inspire even more women candidates.
“There’s a learning curve — politics is nasty, and it’s complicated,” Conway said. “But I think as our bench gets deeper, we’re gonna see just more and more of this. And for me, it’s exciting.”
This article originally appeared in The 19th.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.