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The Facts on U.S.–Canada Tariffs Nearly One Year Into Trump’s Plan

When Separation of Powers Becomes a Suggestion

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Parallels and Patterns: George Orwell’s 1984, Hitler’s Nazi, and Trump 2.0

The importance of community foundations in building a more equitable society

The importance of community foundations in building a more equitable society
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Mark Lomax II
By Mark Lomax IIOct 19, 2023
Mark Lomax II
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Dr. Mark Lomax, II is an award-winning composer, acclaimed recording artist, renowned jazz drummer, and educator. He is a highly sought-after lecturer specializing in the socio-political and spiritual aspects of African-American art, music, race, and using the arts to build community. In addition to teaching and performing, Dr. Lomax has spent the last eight years working with various nonprofits as a grants manager at an Ohio-based community foundation, where he has co-led nationally focused Community Foundation Opportunity Network teams, led local equity work and has been at the forefront of efforts to close opportunity gaps for transition-aged youth. He is the author of the forthcoming book, “Toward a Politics of Humanity,” slated for release in 2024.

In today's rapidly evolving world, the challenges faced by communities across the globe have become increasingly complex. As we strive to create a more equitable society, we must recognize the pivotal role that Community Foundations can play in addressing these challenges and designing practical solutions alongside community members. By engaging with local stakeholders, Community Foundations can facilitate the development of innovative strategies that drive systemic change and promote social justice.

At their core, Community Foundations are public charities that strive to improve the quality of life within specific geographical areas. These organizations accumulate and manage various financial resources, including individual donors, corporations, and governmental bodies. As grant-makers, Community Foundations are uniquely positioned to identify local needs and direct resources strategically toward impactful initiatives.

To build a more equitable society, the actions of Community Foundations must be informed by the people they serve. By involving community members in designing solutions that address their specific needs, foundations can better understand what works and doesn't within different contexts. This inclusive approach fosters a more profound connection between the foundation and its constituents, creating environments where locals feel heard and understood.

Community-led solutions have proven more relevant, responsive, and sustainable than those imposed by external entities or authorities. When heightened levels of ownership are coupled with an intimate knowledge of local dynamics, there is an increased likelihood that initiatives will take root, adapt effectively to new circumstances, and ultimately deliver meaningful outcomes to communities over time.

One example of a Community Foundation-driven process comes from Flint, Michigan. The Community Foundation of Greater Flint (CFGF) has been instrumental in addressing clean water issues impacting thousands of residents due to lead contamination. Through effective grantmaking and partnerships with local organizations, CFGF has helped secure vital resources for families affected by this public health crisis while allowing space for developing long-term solutions informed by citizen voices.

To further promote the active engagement of community members in crafting equitable solutions, foundations can leverage various tools and methodologies. For instance, asset-based community development (ABCD) highlights the strengths and resources available within communities instead of focusing solely on their problems. By emphasizing the power of local assets, Community Foundations can catalyze capacity-building efforts that empower individuals to work collectively towards shared goals.

Collaboration among diverse stakeholders is also critical in inducing systemic change. Community Foundations can serve as conveners and facilitators, bridging divides between government agencies, nonprofits, educational institutions, businesses, and residents. By fostering relationships characterized by shared learning and continuous dialogue, these entities can effectively tackle the root causes underlying social issues rather than just treating their symptoms.

To enable meaningful change, Community Foundations must also be adaptive learners. This requires rigorous evaluation and data analysis to refine grantmaking activities continually. When grounded in evidence-based practice, philanthropic organizations can optimize resources and amplify the likelihood of success for their grantee partners.

Additionally, Community Foundations should emphasize transparency and accountability in all aspects of their work. By sharing data openly with community members, stakeholders are better positioned to hold these organizations accountable while offering feedback that drives improvement.

Community Foundations are indispensable in building a more equitable society through grantmaking and leadership activities. By prioritizing the co-design of solutions with community members, engaging diverse stakeholders in collaborative efforts, leveraging local assets, and fostering adaptive learning practices, these organizations can contribute significantly to driving systemic change worldwide. Community foundations' involvement becomes necessary and imperative as we strive to create a more just and inclusive future for all.


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Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

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Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

With the rise of artificial intelligence and a rapidly growing need for data centers, the U.S. is looking to exponentially increase its domestic energy production. One potential route is through nuclear energy—a form of clean energy that comes from splitting atoms (fission) or joining them together (fusion). Nuclear energy generates energy around the clock, making it one of the most reliable forms of clean energy. However, the U.S. has seen a decrease in nuclear energy production over the past 60 years; despite receiving 64 percent of Americans’ support in 2024, the development of nuclear energy projects has become increasingly expensive and time-consuming. Conversely, nuclear energy has achieved significant success in countries like France and China, who have heavily invested in the technology.

In the U.S., nuclear plants represent less than one percent of power stations. Despite only having 94 of them, American nuclear power plants produce nearly 20 percent of all the country’s electricity. Nuclear reactors generate enough electricity to power over 70 million homes a year, which is equivalent to about 18 percent of the electricity grid. Furthermore, its ability to withstand extreme weather conditions is vital to its longevity in the face of rising climate change-related weather events. However, certain concerns remain regarding the history of nuclear accidents, the multi-billion dollar cost of nuclear power plants, and how long they take to build.

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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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The renewed push to nationalize American elections, presented as a necessary reform to ensure uniformity and fairness, deserves the same skepticism our founders directed toward concentrated federal power. The proposal, though well-intentioned, misunderstands both the constitutional architecture of our republic and the practical wisdom in decentralized governance.

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The Constitution grants states explicit authority over the "Times, Places and Manner" of holding elections, with Congress retaining only the power to "make or alter such Regulations." This was not an oversight by the framers; it was intentional design. The Tenth Amendment reinforces this principle: powers not delegated to the federal government remain with the states and the people. Advocates for nationalization often cite the Elections Clause as justification, but constitutional permission is not constitutional wisdom.

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A shrinking deficit doesn’t mean fiscal health. CBO projections show rising debt, Social Security insolvency, and trillions added under the 2025 tax law.

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The Deficit Mirage

The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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