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Documentary director seeks to show how democracy reform is possible

"Unrepresented," a new documentary on the cycle of corruption in Washington, examines dysfunction in Congress but also tells the story of how long-fought dreams, such as women's suffrage and civil rights, became a reality through dogged activism that spread from state to state before forcing change at the federal level.

The film, set to premiere at film festivals this fall, includes conversations with six dozen activists, academics, lawmakers, heads of watchdog groups, and current and former federal agency officials, who dissect the structural problems embedded in the system and the work being done to fix it.

At heart, the documentary poses a central question: If we have a representative form of government, why do policies that enjoy widespread support fail to become law? What we learn are the root causes that account for millions of Americans being "unrepresented" and solutions to make our democracy work again.

The Fulcrum caught up by phone with the Detroit-based director, Daniel Falconer, to discuss his approach to the project. The conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity and length.


The Fulcrum: What message do you hope viewers will walk away with?

Daniel Falconer: Our goal is to get people to focus on structural reform rather than just candidates and to think locally whenever possible.

Reforms have happened. It's possible. And the way it tends to happen — even if there is a national law passed that changes things overnight — is usually through a concentrated effort at the state and local level as opposed to just marching to Washington, stating your case and having Congress come to their senses and change policy the next day. That just typically isn't how it happens.

A shifting of the conversation is also extremely important.

You hear a lot of calls from politicians for civility. But for us, as citizens and neighbors, it should be about trying to seek the shared ground — a willingness to lead with what you agree about and focus your efforts there. And then once all these things are fixed and we have a government that actually represents the will of the people, then we can go back to arguing about which direction it should go. But first we need to get the vessel afloat. And that's what people can do.

That's the change I can say I've definitely made. I have not gotten any legislation passed in the city I live in but I'm more active than I used to be. And I can tell you: When I'm at Thanksgiving or wherever, talking to people who I tend to end up in political conversations with, I do more than just voice my opinion about this or that issue. I talk about structural reform now.

If the film affects you, shift your political arguments. Instead, change them to discussions. Do more listening to the person who disagrees with you. If you find that they are just bitterly partisan and entrenched in their ways and not interested in talking about common ground, bring up how broken the system seems to be. Focusing on an agenda that can change the system is more important than just deciding who among those that benefit from that system we would like to have lead us.

Documentary director Daniel Falconer

Did anything surprise you while making the film?

The amount of consensus that I found. And the degree to which I could talk pleasantly about common sense, structure-of-government types of reform with people who I suspect have voted quite differently than I ever have or will and who might have very different social agendas than myself. That was a pleasant surprise.

Even if I like to believe in my heart that people are basically good — and that I might not be so different from someone who appears to be my adversary — I hadn't really felt it in the way that I did in the course of covering this.

Interviewing a person who I was expecting to be really adversarial — or just be partisan and try to sneak in something that promoted their side — call out the failings of their own party as loudly as anyone on the other side would, and who really just seemed to have integrity when it came to wanting a functional government, that was an encouraging experience.

Why discuss the national debt in a film about corruption in Washington?

Special interests have a grossly disproportionate influence over the system. But campaign financing is expensive. Lobbying is expensive. What do they have to gain? Why are they doing it?

The reason is they know they can get something out of it. Maybe deregulation or a subsidy via the tax code, but they want something. And why do they feel confident they'll get it? That really is guaranteed by unlimited federal debt.

There's also a functional political problem created by unlimited debt. The political will to say "no" oftentimes is simply impossible when there's unlimited money.

You have to have a more honest conversation about where our priorities lie when every dollar is actually being counted.

Could Congress reform itself or is it solely possible with local activism and changes at the state level?

It would take a real sea change. I think if we get the right kind of electoral reforms through municipalities and states, we'll be able to elect moderates again and see reform through the federal government.

But really, it first takes a declaration from states that this is where we stand, period — we're about to change the law, with or without you. Then it turns into a credibility problem. When marijuana becomes federally legal, it won't be because the federal government just woke up without any activity from the states and said, "Oh, yeah. We should do this."

It'll be because more than half of the states have decided to violate federal law, and at a certain point, they realize they have a credibility problem.

I don't pretend that reforms won't have to happen at the federal level eventually. Much like women's suffrage or civil rights, it will come down from the federal level, but it will be on the far side of a lot of concentrated state effort. That's how you're going to get their attention.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

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