Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

House Democrats include $3.6 billion for elections in new stimulus

Postal Service

The Democrats' new relief bill includes money to cover vote-by-mail costs as well as bolster the cash-strapped Postal Service.

Scott Olson/Getty Images

House Democrats unveiled a sweeping new stimulus package Tuesday that would give states another $3.6 billion in election aid, to help make voting for president easier and safer no matter what the state of the coronavirus pandemic this fall.

The $3 trillion bill would be the most expensive economic recovery measure in American history. But its passage, probably along entirely party lines as soon as Friday, will set up a significant clash with the Republicans in charge of the Senate, who say another round of emergency aid is not yet warranted.

As a result, the fate of the new money to expand vote-by-mail, in-person early voting and other election accommodations remains totally up in the air — and advocates for the most generous federal assistance possible say the time is getting short to be able to spend the money in time to do maximum good.


The economic recovery package enacted in March provided $400 million in election grants, which state officials say is not nearly sufficient to hire people, print ballots, buy ballot-scanning machines and maybe provide postage for the record wave of absentee voting expected in November.

The new bill would bring the total spending on voting to $4 billion, the ambitious target set by democracy reform groups that have rallied around the cause of smoother elections as their singular pursuit during the Covid-19 outbreak. Lobbyists for those groups acknowledge they'll get only a share of that money, at most, from GOP senators who have fallen increasingly in line behind President Trump's oft-stated view that voting by mail promotes cheating and helps Democratic candidates the most by far.

The new Democratic measure in the House is focused on funding to prop up the treasuries of state and local governments, more direct payments to individuals, money to expand testing and contact tracing, food for the poor, and student loan relief.

It also includes $25 billion for the financially strapped Postal Service, which election administrators say is essential for the ocean of additional mailed ballots to get delivered to homes and returned to tabulation centers in time in November.

Trump has also sent strong signals he does not view the package as necessary — and he's been openly hostile to providing federal subsidies to the Postal Service, which he views as poorly run.

"Unless states get the $4 billion they require to secure our elections and create the infrastructure needed to implement vote-by-mail nationwide, the chaos we witnessed in Wisconsin will happen on a national scale," Sean Eldridge, who runs the progressive democracy reform group Stand Up America, said in one of several similarly worded statements reacting to the House bill. "Now the question is whether Mitch McConnell and Senate Republicans will attempt to suppress the vote in the middle of a pandemic by refusing to give states the election assistance that they need."


Read More

Person looking at computer screen at work.

Brenda Núñez, voter registration supervisor for Nueces County, shows the home screen of the state's voter registration system in 2024. Election officials say they're still struggling to use the system, known as TEAM, to complete essential tasks.

(==Gabriel Cárdenas for Votebeat

Election Officials Are Scrambling To Process Voter Registration Backlog Using a System They Say Does Not Work

At 6 p.m. a few days after the state sent Randall County election administrator Shannon Lackey a backlog of 3,388 of voter registration records, she was still at her desk, processing them after a full day of work.

She planned to stay late and get as much done as she could, then keep working from home. Lackey, whose department has five employees, isn’t expecting overtime pay or compensatory time off to make up for the extra work caused by the state error.

Keep ReadingShow less
multiethnic American voters participating in the US election, showcasing the concept of choice in a democracy

Presidents who lost the popular vote often faced economic turmoil. See the pattern from Harrison to Trump and how a 50-state strategy could change it.

Alan Mazzocco/Getty Images

Path Forward from Economic Consequences of Non-Popular Vote Presidents

While losing the popular vote does not inherently cause economic ruin, the structural political weakness of entering office without a democratic majority mandate often compounded the economic challenges their administrations faced. These terms were marked by distinct economic hardships, structural imbalances, or severe financial crises.

Destabilizing Partisan Protectionism

Keep ReadingShow less
people filling out their ballots at voting booths and submitting their vote.

Independent voters may hand Democrats control of Congress this fall — but as history shows, they'll get nothing in return. Here's how to change that.

Pressmaster/Getty Images

Swinging Outcomes Is Not Enough

The midterms are six weeks away, and polls predict that independent voters, who broke for Donald Trump in 2024, are planning on voting for Democrats by wide margins. Among Latinos, the numbers are staggering, to the point that the Republican gerrymanders in Florida and Texas may actually result in Democratic victories.

If the Democrats take control of Congress, it will be because of independents. And what do independents get in return?

Keep ReadingShow less
Diverse People At Voting Booth. Vote Here Elections Sign

A political scientist examines how automatic voter registration is quietly turning non-affiliation into America's largest voting bloc.

AndreyPopov/Getty Images

When Neither Party Is the Default: Rethinking Representation As America’s Electorate Changes

For most of my career as a political scientist, representation was the central theme of my teaching and research. Early on, I studied how legislators understood their responsibilities to constituents — whether they saw themselves as delegates carrying out constituent mandates, trustees exercising independent judgment, or politicos combining both. That work asked a question that still matters: What does it mean to represent the public in a changing democracy?

Today I find myself asking a related question: What happens when the electorate changes but the institutions built to represent it do not?

Keep ReadingShow less