States will get $400 million to make voting in the coronavirus presidential election easier and safer, but with almost no strings attached, under the massive economic recovery package unveiled Wednesday.
The pot of money in the nearly $2 trillion stimulus deal, on a fast track to pass the Senate by day's end with the House vote timetable uncertain, is the result of an unusually intense and coordinated lobbying campaign by some of the major players in the democracy reform movement.
While celebrating a rare victory for one of their causes, some groups nonetheless said they would seek much more money in what's likely to be another pandemic response package from Congress this spring. These groups warned the initial infusion of cash will prove insufficient to prevent justifiable anxiety about voting this fall, and that an absence of any legislative mandates will allow too much of the grant money to get spent unwisely.
Expecting the pandemic will result in a record flood of early voting and absentee ballots, the advocates told congressional leaders that election officials would not be equipped — to staff polling places well in advance, print and deliver millions of mail-in ballots, and then tabulate the results quickly and accurately — without spending at least $2 billion in the next seven months.
Progressive groups also pressed senators, who dominated negotiations with the Trump administration, to pair the money with requirements that states expand their periods for online registration, lengthen early voting calendars and guarantee a free voting-from-home option for everyone in the country.
Democrats embraced the idea, hoping the historic public health crisis would offer a rationale for nationalizing policies that have smoothed access to the ballot box, boosted turnout and reversed sagging confidence in the reliability of elections in the states where they're already in place.
But they found no support among Senate Republicans, who were united against any new federal control over elections now conducted by at least 6,000 city, county and state jurisdictions. Many also expressed apprehension that universal voting-by-mail, especially if hastily imposed, would prove a boon to election fraudsters.
Four years ago, 24 percent of votes were mailed in or delivered in sealed envelopes and 17 percent were cast in person before Election Day; in 16 states more than half the ballots were cast one of those ways. Almost no credible allegations of mail-in fraud were reported then or so far this year, when five of the seven presidential primaries with the highest turnout to date were conducted mainly by mail.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell initially opposed providing any election aid in the stimulus package, giving in only after enough GOP colleagues reported election officials in their red states warning they could not handle the expected influx of voting from outside polling places on Election Day.
It was a striking parallel to what happened last summer. After months of refusing, McConnell relented to pressure in his own caucus and backed more grants to the states to buy paper-based voting equipment and otherwise bolster election security in the face of an expected resurgence of the Russian interference efforts of 2012.
Like that fund, which Congress eventually filled with $425 million, the new election grants will be doled out by the Election Assistance Commission, a tiny agency that has struggled with funding and staff cuts in recent years.
Advocates for universal voting by mail, which started in Oregon in the mid 1990s and will be the default across just four additional states this fall, say the laws of 17 states would need to be rewritten first. Election administrators in the remaining states have the power to turbocharge the already permissive rules for getting an absentee ballot.
Nine states don't currently have any in-person voting ahead of Election Day. Four of those — reliably blue Connecticut, reliably red Alabama and Missouri, and purple battleground New Hampshire — are also states with the most restrictive absentee ballot rules, requiring voters of all ages to list an excuse on each application.
"In November, when there's a very real chance that circumstances may keep many seniors away from the polls, the system might well deliver Republicans a net advantage," former national GOP Chairman Michael Steele and Eli Lehrer of the conservative R Street Institute think tank wrote Tuesday in a Washington Times op-ed endorsing voting by mail.
"Such systems save money, don't require anyone to wait in line, don't require disrupting activities in public buildings and are essentially immune from large-scale fraud," they wrote, and "many voter intimidation tactics become impossible when everyone can vote in the privacy of their own homes."
Steele's support for the funding was central to the work of the good governance coalition that formed within hours a week ago to press for election system relief in the third, and by far biggest, stimulus package Congress has written since the Covid-19 outbreak started transforming American life and pushing the economy into a crisis.
The groups mounting the most aggressive lobbying campaigns — including Common Cause, the Brennan Center for Justice, Unite America, the National Vote at Home Institute and Issue One — soon realized that new federal mandates were a lost cause and focused instead on delivering money to the states.
Several of them also teamed up as part of a cross-partisan coalition of democracy reform organizations — including RepresentUs, Stand Up Republic, the Leadership Now Project and the conservative Lugar Center think tank — to produce a 30-second social media ad advocating for the funding. Issue One had its own 15-second spot, targeted to eight states with influential GOP senators.
(Disclosure: Issue One operates, but is journalistically independent from, The Fulcrum.)




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.