Gruber is senior vice president of Open Primaries, which advocates for allowing all voters to participate in primary elections. Hollis ran unsuccessfully as an independent for the Louisiana Senate in 2019.
An effort is gaining steam to close the primaries in Louisiana. This would be terrible for candidates and worse for voters. And it would be disastrous for African-Americans, more than 200,000 of whom are registered to vote as independents in the state.
The Louisiana Constitution adopted back in 1898 included complicated registration procedures, strict property ownership requirements for voters and a poll tax — all targeted at disenfranchising the Black people who had just gained the franchise under the 14th and 15th Amendments to the U.S. Constitution. As a result, Black registered voters in the state all but disappeared, plummeting from 130,000 before the change to just 1,000 by 1904. And the numbers remained tiny until the state Constitution was revised almost seven decades later.
That stain on the state's history continues to find new modes of expression, and is on full display in the Republican and Democratic parties' creation of a task force to study whether to keep independents and members of minor parties from voting in future primaries — which are the de facto general election in many of the state's races.
It's an unusually bipartisan unholy alliance. For Louisiana Republicans, it is their contribution to the effort by activist supporters of former President Donald Trump across the country who are battling for the soul of the party. They see restrictive election laws as a way of consolidating their power, and their outrage at GOP Sen. Bill Cassidy's vote of conscience to convict Trump in his second impeachment trial is just the excuse they need to bully more moderate members.
For Democrats, Louisiana is one of the last states in the South where they hold a registration advantage, though voting patterns have already favored the GOP for some time. Democrats see an opportunity to take advantage of the politics of the day and rebuild a base that is bleeding members.
The effect, however, would be disastrous for Black voters. Why? Because Louisiana is the only state in the South with a nonpartisan open and "jungle" primary system, where all registered voters get to participate in the taxpayer-funded primary and candidates of all stripes appear on a single ballot for each office. If one of them gets a majority in the first round, which is held in the fall, the election is over. Otherwise the top-two finishers compete in a runoff, held after Election Day everywhere else in the country.
If this task force is successful, more than 800,000 registered independents and third-party members — a quarter of them Black — would be disenfranchised in the congressional, state and local primaries the same way they are now in Louisiana's presidential primaries. Closed primaries may be taxpayer funded, but only Democrats or Republicans are allowed to vote in them. Such a change would be the largest act of voter disenfranchisement in the state in decades.
Primaries matter. Especially in Louisiana, which has some of the least competitive general elections in the country. In the last elections for the Legislature, in 2019, fully 78 percent of the House seats and 87 percent of the Senate seats were filled in the first round. One candidate got most of the votes, so no runoff general election was needed.
Three-dozen states have some form of open primary. And four — Alaska, California, Nebraska and Washington — have dispensed with partisan primaries altogether and permit all voters to vote in a single nonpartisan primary in the spring.
One result: These states are seeing significant gains in voter participation and legislative productivity and a decline in partisanship.
But leaders of Louisiana's two major parties aren't interested in debating reasonable ways to improve the current system — even though a majority of the state's local election administrators voted to oppose closed primaries. No matter. In supporting the switch, state GOP Chairman Louis Gurvich has gone out of his way to describe real and imagined problems with the status quo and then equate "reform" with less democracy.
It's not hard to understand the underlying motives on both sides. Our country is undergoing a significant shift in voter affiliation. Half nationwide identify as independents, voters who are are harder to predict and tougher for the parties to control, and the ranks of Louisianans registered as independent is projected to rise from 27 percent to 34 percent in a few years. Many of them will be African-American. Do Black voters only matter if they are Republicans or Democrats?
There have been moves across the South recently to try to close primaries and consolidate the partisan duopoly's control. Legislatures in Missouri, South Carolina and Tennessee have all debated such legislation. Georgia officials appear poised to follow Louisiana's shameful lead with their own task force, which has gained momentum since Black and independent voters combined to deliver both the state's Senate seats to the Democrats in January.
Such efforts stand in stark contrast to work being done nationally to make voting more accessible, especially for people of color. If the members of Louisiana's task force were really interested in reform, they would have launched an effort to make elections more open, fair and accessible. Not less.
The leaders of the Closed Party Primary Task Force need to be held to account. Shutting out 200,000 Black voters is not reform. Shutting out 800,000 independent and other party voters is not reform. Closing Louisiana's primaries is not reform. It's a cynical exercise in election manipulation and voter suppression, pure and simple.



















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
____
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.