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The state of voting: Nov. 14, 2022

voting legislation updates

This weekly update summarizing legislative activity affecting voting and elections is powered by the Voting Rights Lab. Sign up for VRL’s weekly newsletter here.

The Voting Rights Lab is tracking 2,208 bills so far this session, with 583 bills that tighten voter access or election administration and 1,058 bills that expand the rules. The rest are neutral, mixed or unclear in their impact.

Last week, voters in a number of states had the opportunity to change certain election laws. In Nebraska, voters approved a constitutional amendment requiring photo ID to vote while Michiganders amended their Constitution to increase access to mail voting and in-person early voting and protect against election interference. Connecticut voters also approved an amendment allowing for in-person early voting.

Looking ahead: The Voting Rights Lab is still watching Arizona, where the Legislature asked voters to ratify a new photo identification law that would eliminate many of the ID options currently available to voters. Under current law, a voter can present either a photo ID or two documents with their name and address, such as a utility bill. The proposition would eliminate the second option. It would also require voters to provide a specific ID number, such as their driver’s license number, on their mail ballot envelopes.

Here are the details:


Michigan amends its constitution to increase voting access and protect against election interference. Michigan voters adopted Proposal 2, enshrining nine days of early voting in the state Constitution, expanding mail ballot access and ensuring election results will always be based on the votes cast. The new mail voting provisions provide ballot drop boxes statewide, prepaid ballot return postage, and a permanent list for voters who want to receive a mail ballot each election. Other mail ballot provisions – while new to the Constitution – reflect existing law and practice. These include a right to vote by mail to cure ballot envelope errors. Similarly, Proposal 2 adds the current voter ID rules – which allow voters who do not have an ID with them to vote with a regular ballot if they sign an affidavit affirming their identity – to the Constitution. Finally, the proposition ensures that election audits will be done transparently and professionally, and that elections will be certified smoothly, accurately reflecting the votes cast.

Connecticut poised to adopt early voting. Sixty percent of Connecticut voters supported an amendment to the state Constitution authorizing the General Assembly to establish in-person early voting. Connecticut is currently one of only four states, along with Mississippi, Alabama and New Hampshire, that do not offer all voters an opportunity to cast a ballot before Election Day. It is now up to the legislature to establish the parameters of future early voting opportunities.

Nebraska Constitution amended to require photo ID for voters. A state constitutional amendment requiring photo ID was approved by Nebraska voters with 66 percent of voters supporting the measure. While the details and exceptions will be determined by the Legislature, Nebraska will join the 21 other states that generally require photo ID to vote in person.

Nevada voters take a step toward adopting open primaries and ranked-choice voting. Voters in Nevada narrowly approved an amendment to the state’s Constitution to establish a system wherein five candidates would advance from an open primary. Voters would then rank up to five candidates in the general election. The amendment must be approved by voters again in 2024 in order to take effect.

Ohio amends its Constitution to block cities from allowing non-citizens to vote in local elections. Voters in Ohio approved an amendment to the state’s Constitution to prohibit municipalities from allowing residents who are not U.S. citizens from voting in their local elections. Louisiana will vote on a similar provision on Dec. 10.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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