With the 2021 redistricting cycle in full swing, one-third of the country has already solidified some of its new state and federal districts for the next decade.
Sixteen states have completed at least one redistricting plan so far, with 11 of them finalizing maps for both Congress and the state legislature (setting aside states with one congressional district). But the mapmaking process is far from over due to several legal challenges already filed against states for potential voting rights violations.
Fair maps advocates are raising the alarm over a lack of transparency and particularly egregious redistricting plans in North Carolina, Ohio and Texas — three states with a history of partisan gerrymandering.
Advocates say that these such instances of partisan gerrymandering could be thwarted if Congress were to pass the Freedom to Vote Act, a broad electoral reform bill. But Republicans have used filibusters to block the legislation from moving forward.
"This redistricting cycle is not yet over. There is still time to salvage the next decade of elections for millions of Americans. The Freedom to Vote Act provides the tools voters need right now to secure national redistricting reform that puts power back in the hands of the people, where it belongs," said Kathay Feng, national redistricting director at Common Cause.
North Carolina
The North Carolina Legislature has finalized its maps for the state House, the state Senate and Congress. All three plans have received failing grades from the Princeton Gerrymandering Project for significantly advantaging Republicans.
Bob Phillips, executive director of Common Cause North Carolina, said during a press call that his organization is concerned these maps will harm minority voters and make it harder for Black lawmakers to be re-elected.
"We have 36 African American lawmakers in the General Assembly and by the way these maps have been drawn, 25 percent of these folks may not come back," Phillips said. "We care about the process, not the outcome, but I'm just stating, factually, what the outcome is."
Additionally, there was a lack of transparency throughout the redistricting process, Phillips noted. None of the public meetings were livestreamed by the government so Common Cause North Carolina recorded them instead. It was also difficult to discern which lawmakers were involved in the drawing of maps and whether racial or partisan data was being considered in the process, he added.
Ohio
For the first time, Ohio is using a hybrid commission system to draw its maps. For congressional maps, the Legislature must attempt to pass plans with bipartisan approval. If that fails, the mapmaking authority goes to a seven-member commission, and if that commission also fails to approve maps, it goes back to the Legislature and maps will only be in effect for four years.
However, Ohio's bipartisan redistricting commission only held one meeting, in which members heard testimony but did not vote on any proposed maps of their own. Because the commission failed to produce and approve redistricting plans, the mapmaking authority has now been punted back to the Republican-controlled Legislature.
"For months, Ohioans have pleaded with state leaders for a fair, transparent and participatory redistricting process. Yet even after voters overwhelmingly approved redistricting reform in 2018, those in power are showing that they will continue to shut out the voters to manipulate the process and district lines to their political advantage," said Catherine Turcer, executive director of Common Cause Ohio.
While the congressional maps are not yet finalized, drafts proposed by lawmakers so far have received failing grades from the Princeton Gerrymandering Project due to significant Republican gerrymanders.
The maps for the state House and state Senate were finalized in early October. The state House map received an F because it gives Republicans a significant advantage. The state Senate map was more fairly drawn, with only a slight Republican advantage, more compact districts and fewer county splits, so the Princeton Gerrymandering Project graded it a B.
Texas
In Texas, the lawmaker-drawn maps for Congress and the Legislature did not receive glowing report cards from the Princeton Gerrymandering Project. The congressional maps were graded an F for giving significant advantage to Republicans and including non-compact districts and more county splits than usual.
The state Senate maps also got a failing grade for advantaging Republicans and being very uncompetitive and non-compact. The state House maps were graded a C for only slightly favoring the GOP, but giving considerable advantage to incumbents.
As state lawmakers drafted and approved these maps, there was very little transparency and few opportunities for meaningful public input, said Anthony Gutierrez, executive director of Common Cause Texas. Map proposals were published only a few days before public hearings, so advocates and citizens did not have an adequate amount of time to review them, he said.
Although Texas' election maps have been finalized, several lawsuits have been filed challenging them for potentially violating the Voting Rights Act by diluting the voting power of Black, Latino, Asian American and Pacific Islander and other minority voters.
"Texas is just the latest state to suffer through an unfair redistricting process and gerrymandered maps. Without action from Congress this year, we won't be the last," Gutierrez said.
Other states have also earned poor marks, but were not cited by Common Cause. For example, mapmakers in Illinois earned an F for both the congressional and state Senate maps, which heavily favor Democrats.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.