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The state of voting: June 13, 2022

State of voting - election law changes

This weekly update summarizing legislative activity affecting voting and elections is powered by the Voting Rights Lab. Sign up for VRL’s weekly newsletter here.

The Voting Rights Lab is tracking 2,158 bills so far this session, with 574 bills that tighten the rules governing voter access or election administration and 1,029 bills that expand the rules.

A New Hampshire bill that would create a stricter voter ID law and establish a new system of provisional ballots took another step forward last week, and Rhode Island enacted the Let RI Vote Act, which allows all voters to cast a mail ballot with no special reason or “excuse” required. Delaware’s House passed a bill to approve same day registration.

Arizona enacted a trio of bills that increase ballot and registration access. Louisiana enacted legislation expanding voter access during states of emergency and lawmakers sent bills to the governor that would increase election worker compensation as well as effectively ban secure ballot drop boxes.

Looking ahead: We’ll be watching to see if Gov. Kathy Hochul signs the New York Voting Rights Act, as well as legislation to meet the 10-day constitutional minimum for the state's voter registration deadline.

Here are the details:


Rhode Island creates no-excuse mail voting. On Tuesday, Gov. Daniel McKee signed the Let RI Vote Act ( S.B. 2007), which eliminates the requirement that voters have a special reason – or “excuse” – to vote by mail. Rhode Island is now one of 34 states that allow qualified voters to cast a ballot by mail with no excuse required. This new law also facilitates mail voting by allowing voters to request mail ballots online, requiring at least one drop box per municipality, and eliminating the requirement that voters get their mail ballots and mail ballot applications notarized or witnessed.

Arizona enacts legislation ensuring voters who apply for mail ballots, but do not return them, can still vote in person. Last week, Gov. Doug Ducey signed S.B. 1460, which allows voters who apply for mail ballots, but do not return them, to cast a regular ballot on Election Day (as long as the electronic poll book confirms that they have not returned their ballot). He also signed S.B. 1362, which allows voters with completed mail ballots to bring them to a polling place on Election Day, show ID, and insert the mail ballot directly into a tabulator without requiring the signature verification that all other mail ballots must undergo. Finally, Ducey signed S.B. 1170, which requires the Department of Game and Fish to provide voter registration services to people applying for a hunting, fishing or trapping license.

Louisiana expands voter access during states of emergency, and state lawmakers send bills to the governor that would ban drop boxes and increase election worker compensation. Last week, Gov. John Bel Edwards signed S.B. 258, which increases voter access during states of emergency by permitting the secretary of state to conduct early voting at times and locations accessible to affected voters. Also last week, the Legislature sent two other bills to the governor, including a bill that would effectively ban secure ballot drop boxes and one that would increase election worker compensation.

New Hampshire’s strict voter ID bill is signed by the speaker of the House and heads to the secretary of state. S.B. 418, which would make the state's voter ID law more restrictive, continues to advance through the legislative process. Now that the bill has been signed by the speaker of the House, it advances to the secretary of state’s office for signature and then to the governor. Current New Hampshire law allows voters without physical ID to cast a regular ballot if they complete an affidavit affirming their identity, under penalty of perjury. This bill would eliminate that alternative, and instead rescind their vote from the count if they are unable to show an ID within 10 days of the election. Most states with voter ID laws offer an alternative to ensure the identity of voters without ID can be verified through other means. This new bill would put New Hampshire in the minority.

The Delaware House passes same-day voter registration. The Delaware House of Representatives passed a bill that will allow voter registration to continue until the close of polls on Election Day. Under current law, the registration deadline is the fourth Saturday before Election Day. The bill now heads to the state Senate.


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

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