Goldstone’s most recent book is "On Account of Race: The Supreme Court, White Supremacy, and the Ravaging of African American Voting Rights.
On Sept. 5, U.S. District Judge Aileen Cannon, a Donald Trump appointee on the bench less than two years, issued a historic and precedent-busting ruling. Ignoring accepted jurisprudence, she granted Trump’s request for a special master to review the material taken from Mar- a-Lago by the FBI pursuant to a search warrant issued after Trump had effectively thumbed his nose at government authorities who had requested the return of highly sensitive documents.
Not satisfied to take a stance that even former Trump lackey Bill Barr considered ludicrous, Cannon further showed her gratitude by ordering a freeze on the criminal investigation being conducted by the Justice Department.
Barr was not the only Republican who thought Cannon’s ruling was “ preposterous.” Paul Rosenzweig, who helped prosecute Bill Clinton and later worked in the Department of Homeland Security under President George W. Bush, said, “This would seem to me to be a genuinely unprecedented decision by a judge. Enjoining the ongoing criminal investigation is simply untenable. ”
Cannon ignored both the facts and the law. Legal scholar Peter Shane noted that she “seems oblivious to the nature of executive privilege,” which allows members of the executive branch to protect internal communication from Congress, the courts and the public. No court had previously allowed a former president to shield official records from the executive branch itself.
Impervious to the criticism, Cannon affirmed her decision 10 days later in an opinion that left most legal scholars even more stunned than they had been originally. More than one wondered if her loyalty to Trump had outweighed her oath of office.
Despite the shoddy reasoning and seeming unawareness of the responsibility of position, Aileen Cannon was hardly unqualified for appointment. Born in Colombia to a mother who fled Castro’s Cuba, Cannon did her undergraduate work at Duke, then attended law school at the University of Michigan, from which she graduated magna cum laude with a juris doctor. She clerked for a circuit court judge, worked at a major law firm and was also an assistant U.S. attorney in the major crimes division. But the affiliation that made her most appealing to the Trump administration was her membership since age 24 in the Federalist Society.
That the Federalist Society has wielded outsized influence in the choice of judicial nominees in the Trump and Bush administrations is well known. Executive Vice President Leonard Leo, who also helped Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas in his confirmation hearings, has been said to have “personally curated” the list of conservative appointments, including those of Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett.
The Federalist Society itself was founded in 1982 by conservative and libertarian law students at Yale, Harvard and the University of Chicago who believed “Law schools and the legal profession are currently strongly dominated by a form of orthodox liberal ideology which advocates a centralized and uniform society.” According to its website, the society “is founded on the principles that the state exists to preserve freedom, that the separation of governmental powers is central to our Constitution, and that it is emphatically the province and duty of the judiciary to say what the law is, not what it should be.” And so, Federalists are committed to “reordering priorities within the legal system to place a premium on individual liberty, traditional values, and the rule of law.”
This last statement bears examination. Setting aside “traditional values,” fraught with subtext as it may be, a “premium on individual liberty” would seem to indicate that unless someone is threatening or otherwise infringing on the protected rights of others, Americans should be free to do pretty much as they please. If some choose to go to the supermarket with Glocks strapped openly to their waists, or even perhaps AK-47s slung over their shoulders, they should be free to do so. If on religious grounds, a baker refuses to make a wedding cake for a gay couple, no civil rights law should compel him to apply the icing.
Members of the Federalist Society are free to hold these opinions, of course, regardless of how outrageous they are deemed by others. To that end, the group presents itself as an organization that is both politically and philosophically consistent, holding deep and abiding beliefs, free of duplicity.
In that case, what about abortion?
What could more epitomize “individual freedom” than the right of a woman to decide if she wants to bear a child? No one else, except perhaps the father, is involved, and even then, not always. It would seem the essence of individual freedom that anyone who does not have to carry the child cannot mandate what should be done about it, no more than a fellow shopper in a supermarket has the right to tell the Glock-toter to consider the rights of people who would prefer not to grab their Spaghetti O’s with an armed man or woman lurking nearby.
As such, members of the Federalist Society should be in the forefront of the abortion rights struggle, urging presidents to nominate and the Senate to confirm judges who are on record as defenders of such an obvious exercise of “individual freedom.”
They are not, of course. Quite the reverse. Why, then, would an organization that trumpets its libertarian beliefs, that “takes no public policy positions and does not participate in activism of any kind,” but “focuses on fostering debate and discussion of important legal topics,” be so committed to overturning a right that would seem the quintessence of what they are fighting for?
It is because the Federalist Society is not a political organization as much as it is a religious one, an extension of the most conservative form of Catholicism. Leo, as well as Barr, and former White House counsel Pat Cipollone, have all served on the board of the Catholic Information Center run by Opus Dei, a secret, extremely conservative organization that is an arm of the Catholic Church. The Catholic lay group has been described as one of the world’s “ most powerful and politically committed ” secret societies, with direct ties to the Vatican as a 'personal prelature,' an official status awarded by John Paul II that made sure the group only answers to the Pope himself.
Whether the Federalist Society is as committed to its secular principles as it purports to be, as its abortion stance would indicate, it is more committed to its theological base.
So in the end, Judge Cannon’s decision trampling on two of those secular principles – separation of powers and the rule of law – should not be at all surprising. She, like the organization of which she is a proud member, has far less interest in the values they claim to espouse than the ones they try to keep hidden.




















Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.