Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
I hesitated before approving the headline above.
So often the Hitler analogy is used when a person does something that is particularly egregious in the mind of someone with a differing opinion. It has been so overused, particularly in this highly charged political environment, that one tends to dismiss it as rhetoric deployed solely for the purpose of achieving a political advantage.
Yet today, as one watches the horrific events in Ukraine, and witnesses Russia’s indiscriminate attacks on innocent civilians, including children, the comparison to Hitler is appropriate. The United States and our NATO allies must recognize who Putin is if they are to respond in a manner commensurate with the ungodly acts perpetrated by this evil man.
On April 20, Russia conducted a powerful anti-ballistic missile test with a warning from Putin to Western leaders that they better “Think twice.” He has also bragged about Russia’s nuclear arsenal repeatedly in the last month and has said the West would “face consequences greater than any you have faced in history” if we support Ukraine with military action.
Yes, the West needs to think twice, but perhaps in a manner opposite to what Putin demands. Rather than be intimidated by the threat of nuclear weapons, the West must make it clear to Putin that no level of threats will deter us from putting an end to Putin's malevolent war. This is sometimes called the paradox of brinkmanship.
Some warn that to engage in a tit-for-tat saber rattling puts the world at the brink of nuclear catastrophe. However, the United States has used “maximum brinkmanship” before, during the Cuban missile crisis and the Berlin crisis in 1959. The option exists for the United State and NATO to publicly state a change in its nuclear posture in response. Of course doing so carries great risks – but doing nothing carries great risks as well.
And this is the crux of the dilemma facing the United State and NATO. We are horrified by the inhumanity we are witnessing but we are afraid to overreact because it might result in a world war in which an evil man might do anything, including use nuclear weapons if his back is against the wall. And of course Putin knows this and thus his calculated “think twice” threat.
While there is no evidence that Putin has taken any specific action like placing non-strategic nuclear warheads on airplanes or ships or sending nuclear-armed submarines to sea, his words have already started the thought discussion in Congress of an appropriate response.
Republican Sen. Marco Rubio of Florida, recently stated that a nuclear attack could force NATO allies, including the United States, to invoke their collective defense under Article 5 of the alliance's charter and retaliate against Russia — especially if nuclear fallout drifts over the Ukrainian border and kills or sickens civilians living in Poland or other NATO countries.
“As you detonate a nuclear weapon inside of Ukraine depending on what it is they detonate, even in a demonstration, that would spread radioactive material that would cross borders potentially," said Rubio.
"If radioactive material blows across the Polish border, they would argue they’ve been attacked,” he added.
“Radiation kills people; it certainly creates long-term health problems," he continued. "So we’re dealing in uncharted territory at that point. The danger in this process always is that … someone will do something that they don’t consider crossing the line. But the people they’re aiming at do consider it to be crossing a certain line. And that’s how you find yourself in escalations.”
Democratic Sen. Tammy Duckworth of Illinois, a decorated Iraq War veteran who serves on the Armed Services Committee, agreed with Rubio: “If any of the fallout from that drifts over, I mean, that could be considered to be an attack" on NATO allies.
The speculation is rampant as to what Putin might do if he were to feel cornered, and it is that uncertainty that plays to Putin’s advantage.
For the first time since the Cuban missile threat of the 1960s, the possibility of nuclear war is something our leaders must address.
“I think it would take us into a place we have not been since Nagasaki, where an actual nuclear device was intentionally detonated as part of a military campaign, even if it wasn’t directed at specific targets,” Senate Armed Services Chairman Jack Reed recently stated. “So that’s crossing a huge red line. And I think the whole world would be not just shocked but convinced of the irresponsibility of Putin.”
Rubio has raised a question that we as a nation all must seriously contemplate:
“Their military doctrine that they’ve exercised anticipates that if they’re losing a conventional war against NATO, that they would detonate a nuclear weapon or even use one against NATO troops to sort of escalate and force everyone to the negotiating table,”
It is critical that our leaders continue to address these serious questions with the American citizenry. It is critical that we understand how to best deal with this existential threat to the world as we know it. In a world that now has nine nuclear states the old theory a mutual nuclear deterrence simply may not work, since with so many players there might not be an equal level of deterrence amongst the nine nations and different postures and responses might be needed.
While this writing has posed questions, few concrete answers have been provided. Yet as Albert Einstein once said:
“If I had an hour to solve a problem and my life depended on the solution, I would spend the first 55 minutes determining the proper question to ask … for once I know the proper question, I could solve the problem in less than five minutes.”
Surely the answer will take more than five minutes, and deep analysis is required. As Thomas Jefferson stated “reason and free inquiry are the only effectual agents against error.” The analysis and discussion must start now.




















A view of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 25, 2026. President Donald Trump jolted Republicans during a fiery appearance at the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, scrapping a housing bill signing ceremony and clashing behind closed doors with a party rebel who challenged him over the Iran war. Trump had been expected to sign the bipartisan housing.
Only Trump doesn’t care about housing
It was August 15, 2024. Then candidate Donald Trump stepped out of his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club’s columned clubhouse to a gaggle of reporters. He was flanked by tables of groceries and signs showing the rising cost of food. Also on one of the tables was a dollhouse, meant to represent the equally alarming rise in housing prices.
It was a speech about the economy, the single most important issue of the 2024 election cycle, full of promises that went right to the heart of Americans’ anxieties. While former President Joe Biden and then Vice President Kamala Harris were contorting themselves to posture a good economy that just needed more time to recover from the pandemic, Trump was preying on voters’ very real fears of unaffordable gas, groceries, and homes. It was obviously a winning message.
In that speech, Trump promised, “We’re going to open up tracts of federal land for housing construction. We desperately need housing for people who can’t afford what’s going on now.”
As of mid-2023, there had been a housing shortage of nearly four million homes, according to the National Association of Realtors. Americans all over the country were either priced out of buying new homes due to low inventory, trapped in their existing homes by sky-high mortgage rates, or facing exorbitant rent hikes thanks to corporate investors buying up rental properties. Americans needed help, and Trump promised it.
Cut to March of 2026, when Trump reportedly told House Speaker Mike Johnson, “No one gives a sh*t about housing.”
That kind of thinking may explain why Trump this week suddenly announced he was canceling a signing ceremony for the bipartisan “21st Century ROAD to Housing Act,” a housing bill co-sponsored by Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Tim Scott that passed the House 358-32 and was approved in the Senate on Monday.
Trump instead demanded Congress pass the SAVE America Act, his controversial election grievance bill that doesn’t have enough Republican support to get passed in the Senate.
It’s just the latest in a line of policy self-owns where Trump has seemingly intentionally made life more difficult for Republicans hoping to keep their majority. Despite midterm elections occurring in the midst of a blistering economy and an unpopular war, they were surely hoping the housing bill would give them something — anything — to brag about when they returned home to their districts.
And very much to the contrary, Americans do give a sh*t about housing. According to a recent survey by the Bipartisan Policy Center, a whopping 79% say the cost of housing is extremely or very important to them. Eighty-three percent say Congress should take action on the issue — like it just did. Eighty-nine percent say the House and Senate need to work together to pass affordable housing legislation — like they just did. And 63% say they would be more likely to vote for a lawmaker if they helped pass legislation to build more affordable homes and lower housing costs — like they just did.
There aren’t many issues that unite Americans like housing does, and very few bipartisan policy wins Congress can point to, and yet, Trump is holding that bill hostage in order to get his pet project — which doesn’t even have the support of his own party — pushed through.
If you’re trying to make sense of something so nonsensical, as I’m sure many Republican lawmakers are, it’s certainly sad but not actually all that complicated. Trump said what he needed to get reelected and then promptly abandoned his promises in order to pursue his own self-interests, even if those interests are bad for Republicans and bad for voters.
That’s just the kind of guy he is.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.