Casey He is an undergraduate student journalist for Medill on the Hill, a program of Northwestern University in which students serve as mobile journalists reporting on events in and around Washington, D.C.
WASHINGTON – The Supreme Court heard oral arguments in late October in a case that could define how government officials can use social media. The justices posed a wide variety of hypotheticals to lawyers from both parties to test different legal theories, but they did not appear to have reached a consensus after almost two hours.
The case, O’Connor-Ratcliff v. Garnier, revolves around the question of whether public officials were acting in their official capacity when they blocked critics from making comments on their Facebook and Twitter accounts, thus allegedly violating the public’s First Amendment rights to free speech and to petition the government.
Christopher and Kimberly Garnier, parents of three children in the Poway, Calif., school district, sued school board members Michelle O’Connor-Ratcliff and T.J. Zane after they had blocked the parents on social media for posting repeated criticisms. In responses to O’Connor-Ratcliff’s and Zane’s posts, the Garniers complained about allegations of financial mismanagement and incidents of racism in the school district.
The Garniers alleged that by blocking them on social media, the school board members engaged in "state action" that violated the parents’ First Amendment rights to communicate with and petition the officials. Both a federal district court and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 9th Circuit ruled in favor of the Garniers.
O’Connor-Ratcliff and Zane appealed to the Supreme Court, which is considering a related case cited by the attorney for the school board members. In Lindke v. Freed, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 6th Circuit ruled that James Freed, the city manager of Port Huron, Mich., did not violate the First Amendment by blocking city resident Kevin Lindke, who posted critical comments on Freed’s Facebook page. The appellate court said that managing the social media account was not part of Freed’s official duties. In April, the Supreme Court agreed to hear both cases.
During Tuesday’s oral argument, Hashim Mooppan, the attorney for the school board members, argued that the Supreme Court should adopt the “authority or duty” test the federal circuit court applied in Lindke v. Freed. The test holds that if a public official did not use social media to further their official duty and did not use government staff or resources, then the activity is not considered “state action.”
For example, officials have a duty to announce new rules and regulations, and by posting the information exclusively on their social media, their actions would constitute state action. But if an official is sharing information available in other places private citizens may access or is making public service announcements, then those social media activities should not qualify as state action, since a private citizen can make the same posts, Mooppan said.
Justice Clarence Thomas asked if the situation would be different if the exchanges between the school board members and the parents took place on a school board website, rather than social media. In that case, Mooppan said the board members’ action would constitute state action, because operating the school board website falls under their official authority.
But because the board members created their social media accounts for their campaigns and operated them personally, the actions they’ve taken – including deleting the comments from the Garniers and eventually blocking them – do not constitute state action, he argued.
Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson asked whether the officials should be required to post a disclaimer if their account is for private use. But Mooppan said such a requirement will lead to officials censoring themselves on social media, and if the requirement comes from the government, it will infringe on the First Amendment rights of the officials themselves.
Pamela Karlan, the attorney for the Garniers, said the purpose of the case is not to challenge the public officials’ speech but whether their social media use constitutes state action.
If the court were to adopt the “authority or duty” test, Karlan said, the definition of duty needs to be significantly expanded to include not just state and local laws but also organization bylaws, handbooks and other long-standing customs.
She said the school board members frequently relay information related to their official duties to their constituents through social media, including posts about visiting classrooms during instruction, which a private citizen has no authority to do.
Justice Samuel Alito said he thinks the standard Karlan proposes is too broad. He said he has heard from officials who are “always on call” and “always being approached by constituents,” even when they are off-duty.
Unlike a government official “pushing the shopping cart down the aisle” in a grocery store and stopping to speak to a resident, the school board members created social media accounts as an “ongoing site” to disseminate information and communicate with constituents. That qualifies their activities as state action, Karlan said.
Justice Elena Kagan acknowledged the complexity of the case. The court’s decision, she said, will need to balance First Amendment interests on both sides.
“Just as there may be First Amendment interests in protecting the private speech of government employees, there are also First Amendment interests in enabling citizens to access the important parts of their government,” Kagan said.
This is not the first case before the Supreme Court involving government officials blocking critics on social media. In 2017, the Knight First Amendment Institute filed a lawsuit against then-President Donald Trump and his aides after they blocked seven individuals who criticized the administration.
The lower courts ruled in favor of the Knight Institute. However, in 2021, the Supreme Court intervened and dismissed the case, arguing that it was moot since Trump was no longer the president. Thomas, in his opinion, noted that this case "highlights the principal legal difficulty” of “applying old doctrines to new digital platforms.”
David Greene, an attorney at the digital rights group Electronic Frontier Foundation, said prior to oral arguments that he does not see significant factual differences between the two cases heard on Tuesday and expects the Supreme Court to set one set of standards for both cases.
EFF filed an amicus brief in support of the Garniers and Lindke. Greene said government officials have created a public forum by engaging with their constituents on social media, whether their accounts are labeled as official or personal. Deleting comments from certain constituents or blocking them, he contended, violated their First Amendment rights to participate in the forum.
Garnier is one of five cases the Supreme Court will hear this term related to social media. The court is expected to rule next summer on the constitutionality of Texas and Florida laws that regulate the extent to which social media companies can control content on their platforms. Additionally, it will address the legal dispute between Republican state attorneys general and the Biden administration over the federal government’s role in content moderation.
“This really gives the court an opportunity to define what is the government's role with respect to social media both as a regulator and as a user, and that's going to be highly important,” Greene said.




















A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.