Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Can cross-partisan dialogue help move a student body toward full voter participation?

Institutions can increase students' intentions to vote by facilitating conversations among those with different political ideologies.

Can cross-partisan dialogue help move a student body toward full voter participation?
Getty Images

Amber Wichowsky is a Professor of Political Science at Marquette University.

Savannah Charles is an MA Political Science student at Marquette University.


This guest piece comes from the State of the Student Vote Substack, a weekly newsletter that shares the latest research on how to achieve 100% student voter participation.

Young voters matter in Wisconsin. In 2022, the Center for Information & Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE) at Tufts University ranked Wisconsin one of the top states where young voters had the greatest opportunity to influence election results.

One reason is that the state has competitive elections. Since 2000, Wisconsin has had three presidential elections decided by less than a single percentage point! Statewide races for U.S. Senate, Governor, and State Supreme Court are similarly hotly contested.

Another reason is that Gen Z voters are politically engaged. Voter turnout in midterm elections on our campus increased 15 percentage points between 2014 and 2018; turnout was up 11 points in 2020 compared to 2016. Competitive elections, which help spur higher turnout, explain some of this increase, but we’ve also seen more students participate in campus get-out-the-vote (GOTV) efforts. Students, for example, were the driving force behind the university’s nonpartisan “Marquette Votes” campaigns in 2020 and 2022, which used best practices to educate students about registration, voting, and elections.

With a closely divided electorate, Wisconsin has also become a very polarized state. One study found that during the 2011 gubernatorial recall election, a whopping third of registered voters had stopped talking about politics with friends and family due to disagreements over the election. Unfortunately, this wasn’t a temporary rupture in civic life: 36% of registered voters reported cutting off political discussion with friends and family in the 2020 presidential election.

Polarization makes students uncomfortable discussing politics, especially with people who don’t share their beliefs.

Although we’ve seen increasing political engagement on our campus, there is data that suggest some students are finding it hard to talk across lines of difference in this political environment. In surveys we’ve conducted at Marquette, about a quarter of students report that they don’t feel comfortable talking about politics and that they must be careful about what they say with friends and acquaintances. Other results from our campus climate surveys show that a sizable share of students think that the university should do more to encourage free and open discussion of difficult topics.

Our ability to engage in good-faith disagreement is an important civic skill. Students today have fewer successful examples of productive disagreement to draw upon from the real world. One risk of not engaging counterarguments and different perspectives is that we end up making poorer arguments ourselves. We also miss opportunities to identify new ways to address old problems or to find common purpose around new challenges.

In 2021, we helped launch the Marquette Civic Dialogues Program to encourage campus deliberation about pressing, and often contentious, political, social, and economic issues. One part of the program is our “dialogue dinners” in which students come together to discuss a topic over a shared meal. A key feature of our dialogue dinners is that we first ask students to complete a short survey about the topic and then use their responses to assign them to tables to ensure they encounter and engage political perspectives different from their own. Table discussions are facilitated by trained peer moderators and have covered such topics as climate change and economic inequality. Our previous research suggests that these discussions can decrease affective polarization and increase students’ comfort with political disagreement.

But can peer-to-peer discussions that engage students’ differences in political thought and lived experience increase turnout and student leadership in civic engagement efforts?

Practicing dialogue can increase students’ intention to vote

To answer this question, we conducted two experimental studies of our dialogue dinners. We also did focus groups with students to better understand how we can increase voting participation, improve campus climate, and build grassroots civic leadership.

In Fall 2022, we recruited students in Marquette’s first-year seminars to attend a dialogue dinner about the midterm elections. Students were told that the dialogue dinner was part of a research study on civic life at Marquette. Students who registered for our study completed a pre-survey and received information about the races for WI Governor and US Senate as well as information about how to vote. We then randomly assigned participants to one of two experimental conditions, blocking on party identification (PID) to improve balance. Once participants were assigned to the treatment condition, we block-randomized participants again on PID to assign them to a table of 5-6 students. Each table included a nearly equal mix of Democrats, Independents, and Republicans.

In our control condition, participants came to the dinner and completed a post-survey before the dinner dialogue began. In our treatment condition, students participated in the dinner dialogue and then completed the post-survey at the end of the event. Both the pre-survey and post-survey included questions about intention to vote, willingness to encourage others to vote, and comfort with political discussion. We also measured affective polarization, using feeling thermometer ratings of Democrats and Republicans.

A trained peer facilitator was at each table to explain ground rules and to ensure that all students participated and that no one dominated the discussion. Over the hour-long dinner, students reflected on the issues that mattered most to them in the election and discussed candidates’ issue positions and endorsements.

We were able to recruit 17 students to participate in the program. While the sample size was not large enough to detect any statistically significant differences, we observed that students who participated in the cross partisan dialogues were more likely to express an intention to vote and a willingness to encourage others to vote.

We revised our recruitment strategy and replicated our study the following semester. Our experimental design remained the same; the only change was that students discussed the April 2023 WI Supreme Court race. We also included a battery of items on the post-survey for students to evaluate their abilities in engaging in productive disagreement.

The upshot

Dialogue about the Supreme Court race increased students’ intention to vote (p=.01) and willingness to encourage others to vote (p=.04). Students in the treatment group were 35 percentage points more likely to say they were very likely or absolutely certain to vote in the April election and 29 percentage points more likely to say they were “somewhat likely” or “very likely” to encourage others to vote.

Effect of Dialogue Dinners

Note: Predicted probabilities with 95 percent confidence intervals.

We also found suggestive evidence that the discussion reduced affective polarization and increased confidence in handling disagreements, though these differences were not statistically significant. We emphasize that peer discussion took place among students with differing political ideologies and beliefs. Our findings are in line with other research on how cross-party dialogue and deliberation can help reduce partisan divides and animosity. Although we had more participants the second time around, our total sample size was nevertheless limited, and we intend to replicate this study again in Fall 2023 to test the robustness of our findings.

We are still conducting focus groups, but a few themes have begun to emerge, including strong student interest in learning more about state and local issues. Our focus groups will provide additional insights into the role that universities can play in building a healthier civic culture on campus, with an end goal to increase students’ skills in civic reasoning and discourse. We hope to share more findings from our research in the months to come.

We are grateful to Melissa Michelson and Sam Novey, and for the support of the Student Vote Research Network.


Read More

a grid wall of shipping containers in USA flag colors

The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

Keep ReadingShow less
With the focus on the voting posters, the people in the background of the photo sign up to vote.

Should the U.S. nationalize elections? A constitutional analysis of federalism, the Elections Clause, and the risks of centralized control over voting systems.

Getty Images, SDI Productions

Why Nationalizing Elections Threatens America’s Federalist Design

The Federalism Question: Why Nationalizing Elections Deserves Skepticism

The renewed push to nationalize American elections, presented as a necessary reform to ensure uniformity and fairness, deserves the same skepticism our founders directed toward concentrated federal power. The proposal, though well-intentioned, misunderstands both the constitutional architecture of our republic and the practical wisdom in decentralized governance.

The Constitutional Framework Matters

The Constitution grants states explicit authority over the "Times, Places and Manner" of holding elections, with Congress retaining only the power to "make or alter such Regulations." This was not an oversight by the framers; it was intentional design. The Tenth Amendment reinforces this principle: powers not delegated to the federal government remain with the states and the people. Advocates for nationalization often cite the Elections Clause as justification, but constitutional permission is not constitutional wisdom.

Keep ReadingShow less
U.S. Capitol

A shrinking deficit doesn’t mean fiscal health. CBO projections show rising debt, Social Security insolvency, and trillions added under the 2025 tax law.

Getty Images, Dmitry Vinogradov

The Deficit Mirage

The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

Keep ReadingShow less
The United States of America — A Nation in a Spin
us a flag on pole
Photo by Saad Alfozan on Unsplash

The United States of America — A Nation in a Spin

Where is our nation headed — and why does it feel as if the country is spinning out of control under leaders who cannot, or will not, steady it?

Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

Keep ReadingShow less