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Fight Back for the Future: Reinstate Federally Funded TRIO Programs
Jan 25, 2026
As a first-generation, low-income college student, I took every opportunity to learn more, improve myself, build leadership and research skills, and graduate from college. I greatly benefited from the federally funded U.S. Department of Education TRIO Programs.
TRIO Programs include Student Support Services, coordinated through the Office of Supportive Services (OSS) and the McNair Post-Baccalaureate Achievement Program (McNair Scholars Program). This was named in honor of Ronald E. McNair, a NASA astronaut and physicist who lost his life during the 1986 Space Shuttle Challenger mission.
The 2025 defunding efforts of TRIO Programs hurt millions of students, who are the country’s future leaders, thinkers, and changemakers, who need support resources and opportunities to thrive in a society dominated by structural inequities. President Donald Trump’s funding bill cut 120 TRIO programs across the country, up to $660 million in funding.
Only a very few lucky TRIO programs are funded, such as a recent Eastern Oregon University grant of more than $1 million, while most other programs have been cut or severely limited in funding.
Today, the Department of Education website, under its Federal Student Aid programs, lists only Military Families and International Study as possibilities. This is devastating for low-income students who are considering their college careers now and applying for student aid for the 2026-2027 school year.
Meanwhile, millions of student loan borrowers face penalties and taxation on their outstanding student loan balances. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau recently released a report stating that thousands of borrower complaints cannot be ignored.
The reductions in federal funding impact TRIO Programs nationwide, including Upward Bound, Talent Search, and Education Opportunity Centers, causing major disruptions, downsizing, and freezes that limit the impact and effectiveness of these vital programs.
The loss of TRIO Programs would be devastating to millions of students. The Council for Opportunity in Education (COE) TRIO Fact Sheet reports that more than 6 million Americans have benefited from TRIO since its founding.
TRIO Programs empowered me with the self-determination and self-efficacy to pursue my aspirations and dreams. I believed anything was possible and still do. These programs vastly helped me succeed as an undergraduate student at Michigan State University in the late 1990s-early 2000s.
As an undergraduate TRIO program participant, the OSS provided me with mentors, tutoring, and student opportunities that helped me develop essential leadership skills. I served as a Student Assistant, a leadership position that taught me to organize and plan programs to help first-year OSS students succeed and to serve as a liaison between students and professional staff.
While holding this position, I carried a caseload of nearly 20 students, an exceptional task for a college sophomore balancing full-time classes. This program opened opportunities to other leadership positions on campus.
I was soon accepted into the McNair Scholars Program, designed to increase access for underrepresented students to pursue graduate study, serving 151 universities nationwide. The COE TRIO Fact Sheet asserts that diverse faculty mentorship is a key element in bridging the equity gap for students from disadvantaged backgrounds.
Though the total number of students the McNair Scholars Program has served since its inception in the late 1980s is not available, the Department of Education Fast Facts 2019-2020 Report states that McNair grantees supported 5,242 participants that year.
The program offered research support, mentorship, research methods courses, and free test preparation for examinations such as the GRE for graduate school, the MCAT for medical school, and the LSAT for law school.
Faculty mentorship had the capacity to powerfully influence students’ cognitive skills in their research field. For example, some students learned how to run a research lab, secure multi-year grants, and collect longitudinal data — all practical career skills. Students cultivated lifelong relationships with their research faculty.
The McNair Scholars Program provided opportunities for students to network in academic settings, enhance oral and poster presentation skills, and take etiquette classes on place setting for formal dinners. Community service was an essential component that ensured students understood the linkages between their research work and community empowerment.
Through the development of study abroad programs, global outreach became an added aspect of the McNair Scholars Program. These services equipped students with the social and cultural capital necessary for graduate education, careers in higher education, and an understanding of the local and international impact of their research.
As a McNair student, I was paired with a faculty member, a leading epidemiologist in my research area of women’s health, to work on a project analyzing cortisol levels and self-reported stress in pregnant women. The program enabled me to present my research at a professional academic conference and connect with other McNair students from universities across the country.
The program covered the cost of my GRE test-prep course and exam. I also received support with my graduate school applications and did not have to stress about the cost of the application fees.
I participated in community work with Habitat for Humanity in Jamaica. Without a doubt, I would not have been prepared for graduate study if it were not for this program.
I graduated with a Bachelor of Science in Interdisciplinary Studies in Social Science-Health Studies and went on to complete my Master of Arts in African American and African Studies at The Ohio State University and my Doctor of Philosophy in African American and African Studies at Michigan State University.
TRIO Programs address equity and inclusion gaps across the nation’s education system and provide students with the resources and opportunities to succeed. Now in 2026, they are under assault, as well as other attacks on higher education, such as the rollback and dismantling of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion programs, the end of affirmative action in higher education, and other actions that harm minoritized higher education students, faculty, and staff.
A 2020 study conducted by Rachel Renbarger, an educational psychology scholar at FHI 360, and Alexander Beaujean, a psychology professor at Baylor University, analyzed graduate school enrollment among McNair students and disproved the claim made by Mick Mulvaney, the Director of Management and Budget, during a 2017 White House press briefing. He asserted that the McNair Scholars’ achievement was “6 percent effective,” despite the 2020 research study indicating that the program “is more effective than is being represented.”
His outright lie to the public is a gross misrepresentation of a life-changing program that serves minoritized and underserved students. The assault on TRIO Programs is about race and class. It’s structural racism in action, and it needs to make everyone furious.
It is urgent for policymakers, students, parents, faculty, administrators, and all citizens to get involved by contacting local elected officials, writing letters, and sharing personal stories.
These TRIO programs matter not just for some students, but for the future of this country.
Mary Frances Phillips is an associate professor of African American Studies at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign and a Public Voices fellow with The OpEd Project. She is the author of Black Panther Woman: The Political and Spiritual Life of Ericka Huggins.
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Miguel (David Duran) in an ice fishing tent with a strange local, Carl (Ritchie Gordon)/ Nathan Deming
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Independent film captures Latino immigrant life in Wisconsin
Jan 25, 2026
Wisconsin filmmaker Nathan Deming said his independent film February is part of a long-term project to document life in Wisconsin through a series of standalone fictional stories, each tied to a month of the year.
Deming said the project is intentionally slow-moving and structured to explore different perspectives rather than follow a single narrative. He said each film functions on its own while contributing to a larger portrait of the state.
“The idea is that each month will be like a standalone film, a standalone project, and try to capture a different part of Wisconsin life in Wisconsin culture each time, but they’re all like, they’re all fictional stories, right? And so this is deliberately something that’s going to take me a really long time,” said Deming.
February is the second film in the series, following January, which was released earlier. Deming said he is completing the films in order and plans to continue the project.
YT
The film follows Miguel, a young man who is new to Wisconsin and experiencing winter for the first time. Deming said he wanted to shift perspective away from longtime residents to someone encountering the state without familiarity.
“I thought it was really fun that right away on the second, you could call it an episode, I guess, that we shift to a perspective about Wisconsin and that a lot of people don’t think about, and that is Latinism in Wisconsin,” said Deming.
“I was really interested in a lot of my research, like, um found out that they they are estimated to make up like 75% of the dairy workforce now in Wisconsin, which, you know, is like huge part of the state and I think culturally they’re still kind of treated as like invisible a little bit here,” he continued.
His interest in telling an immigrant story grew out of research into Wisconsin’s Latino population and its role in the state’s economy. He said the scale of immigrant labor in agriculture, particularly dairy farming, stood out to him while developing the script.
Deming said he wrote February several years ago and did not want the story to function as a political statement. The film focuses on everyday life rather than policy debates, centering on routine experiences such as work, isolation and adapting to winter in a new place.
Ice fishing serves as the central setting for much of the film. Deming said he chose it because it reflects a specific Wisconsin subculture and something “very Midwest.” It offered a natural way for two characters from different backgrounds to share space and connects to the main character’s process of adapting to a new environment.
Deming said he collaborated with actors during production and leaned on their personal experiences. He said the actor who plays Miguel drew from his family background, and he also cast a non-actor for the fisherman role to maintain authenticity.
As the film toured across Wisconsin for over the past year, Deming said audience reactions varied, including responses that surprised him. Some viewers told him the film prompted them to think differently about immigration.
“I’m from a small town in Wisconsin originally. It’s a fairly conservative small town, and I’m not conservative. But I know that currently things are very divided, and like not just along a specific issue, like immigration,” said Deming.
“I have strong feelings about it, but I think for a story like this or what I want to do as a filmmaker, I just try to remove myself as much as possible and just put it out there, and then hopefully people can draw our conclusions that I agree with, you know what I mean?” he contonued, expressing that he did have some reactions that really surprised him when he took the film around the state.
“I had several people come out to me and say, ‘Wow, I never.. I never really thought about the immigrant experience before, what Latinos go through,” he said.
Deming said he also heard from Latino audience members after screenings who commented on details in the film and how closely they reflected their own experiences. He said those responses mattered to him as a filmmaker working outside his own background.
“At the heart of this film is two people from very different backgrounds connecting. I think and want to believe that that’s also what does happen every day in America, and despite all the bad things that also happen, like, I think this really is the American identity is, uh. most a lot of people at the end of the day want to connect, despite the different backgrounds,” said Deming.
February is available online. January, the first film in the series, is also available. Deming said future installments are planned.
Independent film captures Latino immigrant life in Wisconsin was first published on Wisconsin Latino News.
Angeles Ponpa is a multimedia journalist from Illinois. A graduate student at Northwestern Medill, specializing in Politics, Policy, and Foreign Affairs, Ponpa is a former Fulcrum intern.
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Leveraging Data Resources for Civic Organizing
Jan 25, 2026
In a recent assessment of the state of democracy in the United States, researchers report the nation has moved from being a “full democracy” to being an “illiberal or mixed democracy.” In particular, they find declines in “toleration of peaceful protest, not using government agencies to punish political opponents, and fair electoral district boundaries.”
As leaders across various branches of government undermine the guardrails around various democratic norms, scholars and civic leaders are considering where and how to respond. The scale of the challenges facing Americans committed to a pluralistic, democratic society are national and global. However, responding to attacks on democracy does not need to be limited to a national or global scale. Researchers and movement leaders remind us that citizens and organizations can engage in some of the most influential work in defense of democracy at local and community levels.
Local Resistance Makes a Difference
Daniel Tirrell, cofounder and coexecutive director of The Ohio Democracy Project, writes how focusing on local issues and programs, even when the primary threats are national or global, led to effective results in Honduras, Ukraine, and Colombia. Acting locally builds resources and relationships and helps to make progress more tangible.
Guillermo Correa, a political scientist and the executive director of the Argentine Network for International Cooperation, also points to the importance of building civil society organizations. Doing so can bridge various levels of scope—local, regional, and global—where each level informs the other.
And as political scientist and Kettering Foundation research fellow Deva Woodly shares, changes in social media have encouraged large-scale mobilization but that mobilization has not translated into democratic organizing. Democratic organizing is about “bringing people into a community of action that serves as a space where they can build interpersonal connections, problem-solving capacity, and collective agency over time.” So, while investing in and building civil society is often neglected, it is essential for political action.
Resources Can Be Hard to Find
Given the importance of organizing and taking action at the local level, it is vital to know who is in our communities and what their needs might be. Some of us may know who our neighbors are and what resources exist in our communities, but others may be less sure. We are also living with an overabundance of information available to us at every moment. When considering which sources to trust, we also must determine if an algorithm has provided us with accurate information and resources that will meet our needs.
In my work codirecting the Association of Religion Data Archives (ARDA), I consistently hear nonprofit directors, community members, and congregational leaders also voicing concerns about resources. They want to serve their neighbors, and they are searching for accurate information but can feel overwhelmed, particularly in a moment of national and global democratic backsliding.
A Tool for Dialogue and Inclusion
The Community Profile Builder (CPB), available for free on the ARDA website, is a resource that community and organizational leaders can use to instantly access demographic and religion data for any community in the United States. The CPB empowers users to map community assets, which the “asset-based community development” literature highlights as a first step in organizing. The initial map shows the locations of religious congregations in a chosen area using any zip code, city and state, or complete address.

After users choose an area, the CPB then gathers and displays the social, economic, and religious information about the selected community or neighborhood. The data sources include the United States Census Bureau’s American Community Survey, the US Religion Census collected by the Association of Statisticians of American Religious Bodies, and Data Axle USA.
In a series of training sessions filled with community leaders, nonprofit directors, and clergy, ARDA was able to introduce the CPB and then follow how users applied the data-rich snapshot of their respective communities. We found they appreciated knowing the religious organizations already present in their cities and towns. The CPB also signaled potential demographic groups that might benefit from focused attention.
For some users, it augmented planned outreach efforts. For instance, one Catholic priest participating in an ARDA workshop in Indianapolis was helping lead the Indianapolis Archdiocese’s education efforts. He was a part of ongoing conversations around whether his diocese needed to offer languages other than English, and if so, which ones. Some of the decision makers held assumptions—not based on any data—that the surrounding community members would be best served by offering Spanish. However, he was able to use the CPB to demonstrate that the diocesan schools’ assumptions around language needs were outdated. Many more folks from Southeast Asia were populating those communities, so a focus on Southeast Asian immigrant Catholics was necessary.
The insights from the CPB also proved useful to community and nonprofit leaders who were planning initiatives that focused on poverty, education, refugee resettlement, and interfaith dialogue. They used the CPB to look for possible partnerships with other religious congregations.
One of the most impactful reflections from our training sessions came from a mayor serving a city in northeast Indiana. He shared stories of how the political polarization present at the national level regularly infected local politics and his ability to bring groups together to solve issues in his city. However, when citizens in cities like his had access to trustworthy data to inform their conversations, the negative influence of political polarization was neutralized.
By resourcing high-quality data in conversations at the local level, we can help (re)build our civic spaces, develop resources and relationships, make progress more tangible, and increase our problem-solving capacity. The data provided by ARDA’s free CPB helps people see the assets and potential of their communities more clearly. Citizens and community leaders can then capitalize on the diverse perspectives that such voices and information can bring to the discussion, which can then lead to more fruitful and generative conversations.
We are living through a moment where the hallmarks of a pluralistic, democratic society are under direct threat from disinformation, authoritarianism, and polarization. While the scale of these challenges is global, social movement leaders and scholars remind us that thinking locally is vital. The communities using ARDA’s free CPB can build the durable connections that make the promise of democracy real for everyone, everywhere.
This article was originally published as part of From Many, We, a Charles F. Kettering Foundation blog series that highlights the insights of thought leaders dedicated to the idea of inclusive democracy.
Andrew L. Whitehead is professor of sociology at Indiana University Indianapolis, codirector of the Association of Religion Data Archives, and a Charles F. Kettering Foundation Research Fellow. Follow him on Bluesky and Substack.
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How New Jersey’s Ballot Slogans Could Put Power Back in Voters Hands
Jan 24, 2026
With American democracy in crisis amid national turmoil, neither political party is prepared to lead us out of the wilderness. However, here in New Jersey, voters can bring in outsiders through one legal strategy to overcome barriers: the ballot slogan system.
This year, New Jersey's primary elections are unusually open. Until recently, party organizations could manipulate voters' choices by the deceptive arrangement of candidate names, a system called the county line. This guaranteed that nominees would be the parties' handpicked choices.
But two years ago, that system was blocked in a landmark federal voting rights lawsuit. I should know - I was an expert witness in that lawsuit, and helped do away with that unfair rule. Now all candidates compete on a more level playing field.
But there’s still the problem of name recognition. How can we tell the difference between an establishment candidate and someone who can make real change? The answer is in the ballot slogan. Candidates in New Jersey are allowed to list a slogan of up to six words describing their views.
The ballot slogan can be used by individuals to express their views. There’s still the problem of whether someone is a serious candidate. A slogan like “free pizza and beer on Fridays” is, after all, six words. Such a slogan would not speak to problems well-suited to legislation.
But the slogan can take on new force, both by being serious - and by coordination between many candidates. Protest movements gain power in numbers. If a whole slate of candidates used the same slogan, that would show a unified front and a movement. For example, in the Democratic primary in every congressional district in New Jersey, imagine 12 candidates - one for each district, using “No Kings” in their ballot slogan. They could convey a message that harnesses the energy of protests across the Garden State. Such a slogan would support the kind of radical rescue operations that Democrats think are urgently needed.
We're living in a time when our institutions have failed us. Our parties, our elected officials, business, law, universities—all are weakening or caving out of fear. But one element of society has less to lose by speaking the truth and more to gain by saving the system: individual voters. The slogan system gives those voters a real say.
Democratic Party leadership is responding very slowly to the radical changes of the last 12 months. While their party base is becoming increasingly infuriated by the actions of ICE in Minneapolis and across the nation, their consultants are urging a more cautious approach. But ICE's aggression is just the beginning. Drastic changes to the administration of law, corruption at the highest levels of government, and the undermining of public health and science threaten to upend the prosperity and peace of the last 50 years. This is not even to mention the undoing of progress on civil rights and voting rights. In the face of this, Democrats would rally behind new leaders willing to do whatever it takes to save the nation.
Although entrenched party organizations may be afraid to call for necessary action, individual candidates are not similarly constrained. Their slogan can be free of any pressure from party elders. Think of a ballot slogan like "Abolish ICE. Prosecute crimes. No kings." With 46% of Americans in favor of abolishing ICE and 43% opposed, such a slogan starts with a natural advantage.
And since primaries are dominated by party activists, such a slogan could be galvanizing. Recall that Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez used the Democratic primary to oust a longtime veteran of Congress, Joseph Crowley. Amplify that to hundreds of districts nationwide. Such a message would resonate with rank-and-file voters all over the nation. New Jersey could lead the way.
The same path is available to Republicans. Members of Congress are largely voting in lockstep with the Trump Administration - even as that Administration takes ever more extreme actions. If they are dismayed by the radicalism that has gripped their party, they can express a slogan that points toward a better way. Imagine Republican outsiders running under the slogan “Restore the Fed, NATO, and integrity.” Old-school Republicans and conservatives who want to, well, conserve, would find their home at last.
The candidate filing deadline is March 23. For any candidates who can gather signatures by that date, a path is open to expressing the rage of Democrats, the uneasiness of Republicans, and the millions of independents who have no home in either party. Through the ballot slogan system, the banner is ready for a new generation of candidates to pick up.
Sam Wang is a professor of neuroscience at Princeton University and a leading expert on statistical analysis in public policy. He is the founder of Fixing Bugs in Democracy where he covers topics related to democracy, data analysis, and potential reforms.
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