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ATLANTA -- SEPT 14: Former President Jimmy Carter interviewed for "The Presidents' Gatekeepers" project at the Carter Center, Atlanta, Georgia, September 14, 2011.
(Photo by David Hume Kennerly/Getty Images)
Lessons for Democracy Reformers in the Legacy of President Jimmy Carter
Jan 02, 2025
President Jimmy Carter touched the lives of millions, in countries around the world, through contact points as diverse as public health campaigns, Sunday school lessons, rural homebuilding, or appreciation of southern rock. Included in his huge roster of impact is the organization I lead, Election Reformers Network, which was founded by international democracy experts inspired by his leadership. Like many others, I had the good fortune to work with President Carter on election missions overseas and to support The Carter Center’s expansion of its work into the United States. Carter’s legacy has much to teach democracy reformers here in the U.S.
President Carter learned early in his career about the anti-democratic forces he would challenge so often throughout his life. He lost his first election for Georgia state senate because of election fraud so blatant that “the dead voted alphabetically.” Georgia had long been a one-party state ruled by insiders and local Democratic Party bosses. Blacks were systematically disenfranchised, and voting rules gave rural counties vastly disproportionate power through an in-state version of the electoral college.
Carter fought in court and in the media against the party operatives and their ballot stuffing, and he was finally awarded his senate seat. Along the way, many counseled him to give up and accept the way things worked, but he persisted. His commitment to the principles of fairness mobilized key advocates to challenge the status quo. But that same moral grounding meant his victory wasn’t laced with vindication. In his book about the election, Carter is remarkably even-handed toward the system that had tried to cheat him.
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Carter’s win launched his political career and helped make democracy and election fairness central to his work in the White House and beyond. In 1982, the year he launched The Carter Center, only a third of the countries of the world were electoral democracies (according to the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance), and a peaceful democratic transfer of power seemed impossible across most of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Central and Eastern Europe. Many assumed that democracy couldn’t take root in certain regions or cultures. But before the end of the century, the number of electoral democracies had more than doubled, burying those old doubts about cultural barriers.
President Carter and The Carter Center played an important role in this huge increase in genuine elections and human freedom around the world. Carter’s work overseas often resembled his seminal Georgia senate win. He persisted in the face of daunting obstacles and kept long-term goals in sight. His faith in the betterment of all people made every corner of the globe important to him. In his many election monitoring missions, he emphasized the transparency that deters fraud and ensures fair elections. But Carter also focused on the important underlying structures of democracy, which so often favor insiders and incumbents, including whoruns elections and how votes translate into power.
There are many lessons here for US reformers, including the importance of both elections and the wider range of rules and institutions that make democracy function. His successes overseas depended on authentic nonpartisanship that we can learn from, a complete neutrality toward election outcomes. For me personally, more specific lessons include his advocacy for the U.S. to move away from relying on partisan insiders to run elections, a cause Election Reformers Network has long supported. His opposition to electoral-college-style voting in Georgia reconfirms my concern about the many distortions of our presidential voting system and the need, long though it will take, for constitutional reform.
But Carter’s most important lessons are moral. He was able to combine an almost spiritual commitment to full and fair democracy with respect and empathy toward even those who oppose democratic change. Often, the key to his success was a willingness to personally connect with and trust actors whom most would assume to be his adversaries. “He built trust with autocratic leaders under threat from opposition movements in countries such as Nicaragua and Zambia,” remembers Democracy International CEO Eric Bjornlund, who worked with President Carter in several countries over more than a decade. “That quality helped him succeed in ushering in peaceful transitions in those pivotal countries.”
These considerations bring up questions about approaches to the very different man who, in a few short weeks, will occupy the White House. Carter voiced opposition to Trump policies, but personally attended his first inauguration in 2017. In a 2022 New York Times opinion piece, Carter spoke out against the “lies” and “disinformation” “that stoke distrust in our electoral system.” He would surely be concerned now by Trump’s continued refusal to accept the verdict of the rule of law regarding the 2020 elections. Despite these very real concerns, Carter would be at Trump’s next inauguration on January 20 if he could.
Democracy is grounded in the rule of law and in respect for all people. How fortunate we are to have President Carter’s example of deep moral commitment to both goals.Johnson is the executive director of the Election Reformers Network, a national nonpartisan organization advancing common-sense reforms to protect elections from polarization. Keyssar is a Matthew W. Stirling Jr. professor of history and social policy at the Harvard Kennedy School. His work focuses on voting rights, electoral and political institutions, and the evolution of democracies.
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NEW YORK, NEW YORK - OCTOBER 28: Cynthia Erivo attends an Special Cast and Filmmakers Screening Of WICKED at DGA Theater on October 28, 2024 in New York City.
(Photo by Kevin Mazur/Kevin Mazur/Getty Images for Universal Pictures)
Wicked: Art Mirrors Our Modern Social Divides
Jan 02, 2025
The 2024 film adaptation of Wicked arrives as more than mere entertainment—it emerges as a powerful commentary on our contemporary societal fractures. With Cynthia Erivo's groundbreaking portrayal of Elphaba, the film more effectively conveys its central plot line about identity and marginalization, speaking directly to viewers' personal experiences of exclusion, self-affirmation, and activism.
At its core, Wicked offers an artful critique of how society constructs and maintains differences. Elphaba's green skin is an unmistakable metaphor for visible racial, physical, or ability-based differences. The casting of Erivo, a Black actress, in this role interestingly drives home the racism allegories, transforming what could have been abstract commentary into immediate, resonant social criticism. The film's treatment of ability and difference extends beyond mere skin color. Also, the character of Nessarose, Elphaba's wheelchair-using sister, presents a complex examination of ableism and the intersection of physical difference with power. Wicked challenges moviegoers to confront their preconceptions about ability, worth, and the right to occupy societal space.
The stark contrast between Glinda's privileged background and Elphaba's outsider status illuminates the deep-seated class divisions that plague Oz and our society. Wicked's opening scenes explore central themes related to gender and race, establishing how social hierarchies are maintained through overt and subtle forms of discrimination. Perhaps most pertinent to our current political climate is the film's examination of how othering is systemically curated. The Wizard's strategy of uniting society through a common enemy proves eerily relevant, mirroring contemporary political tactics. The film’s depiction of how truth becomes distorted through propaganda is an enlightening aspect of our 'fake news' climate. Additionally, the manipulation of public perception and the exploitation of prejudices are central themes, demonstrating how those in power can shape narratives to maintain their authority.
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Wicked recognition that various forms of discrimination don't exist in isolation is compelling. The film portrays how different types of marginalization—whether based on appearance, ability, class, or beliefs—often intersect and reinforce each other. This intersectional approach helps audiences understand how systems of oppression work together to maintain social hierarchies. This is coupled with the themes of resistance and solidarity. Such heavy thematics in the story speak of the hope inherent in resistance and alliance-building. For example, the unlikely burgeoning friendship of Elphaba and Glinda demonstrates the power of crossing social boundaries and challenging ingrained prejudices. Their relationship suggests that meaningful social change requires individual transformation and collective action.
Wicked is a story whose themes of scapegoating minorities, manipulating public opinion, and resistance against authoritarian power structures feel less like fantasy and more like a mirror held up to our nation's current events. It succeeds as entertainment and a powerful lens through which to examine our social divisions and prejudices. It reminds us that the process of othering—whether through ableism, racism, or classism—serves political ends and that resistance begins with recognizing our shared humanity. Its message is and resonates more powerfully than ever.
Johnson is a United Methodist pastor, the author of "Holding Up Your Corner: Talking About Race in Your Community" and program director for the Bridge Alliance, which houses The Fulcrum.
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President-elect Donald Trump leaves after their meeting at the Elysee Palace in Paris, France on December 07, 2024. (Photo by Mustafa Yalcin/Anadolu via Getty Images)
Photo by Mustafa Yalcin/Anadolu via Getty Images
The press must resist Trump’s bullying lawsuits
Jan 02, 2025
In his first week as a federal judge, Murray Gurfein was assigned the biggest case of his life.
He’d just been nominated to the Southern District of New York by President Richard Nixon in April 1971, and confirmed by the Senate in May when the Pentagon Papers case landed on his desk.
Nixon had told Assistant Attorney General William Rehnquist to order the New York Times and the Washington Post to stop publication of the damaging report that revealed previous administrations’ attempts to cover up their losing efforts in the Vietnam War.
Both papers refused, so Nixon sought an injunction to keep the papers from publishing.
But Gurfein, despite being appointed by Nixon just weeks earlier, declined, writing: “The security of the Nation is not at the ramparts alone. Security also lies in the value of our free institutions. A cantankerous press, an obstinate press, a ubiquitous press must be suffered by those in authority to preserve the even greater values of freedom of expression and the right of the people to know.”
Nixon, of course, would appeal Gurfein’s decision, and before the Supreme Court could hear the case, 15 other newspapers received copies of the report and published it, with the idea that the only way to uphold the First Amendment and protect the right to publish…was to publish.
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In June, the Post and the Times won their case in the Supreme Court, and Nixon’s attempt at chilling the press failed — but only because the newspapers refused to capitulate.
Fast-forward half a century, and it feels like the courage the press showed then was all for naught.
An incoming President Donald Trump has already inflicted a Nixonian choke hold on the press, and before he’s even been sworn into office.
He sued ABC News and George Stephanopoulos for defamation, claiming that he was inaccurately described as having been found liable for “rape,” instead of “sexual assault” by a civil jury — a distinction even the judge in the case said was meaningless.
He’s suing Bob Woodward and Simon & Schuster for $49 million for publishing audio tapes of interviews Trump gave in 2019 and 2020.
He’s suing CBS News for a “60 Minutes” interview with Vice President Kamala Harris in which Trump argues CBS deceptively edited it to make her appear “coherent and decisive.”
And this week, he sued the Des Moines Register and pollster Ann Selzer for a poll that showed him losing in a state that he ended up winning by 13 points.
Now, to be clear, none of these are good cases for Trump.
Misusing legal terms, as Stephanopoulos did, isn’t defamation. Publishing tapes of an interview you agreed to isn’t illegal. Nor is editing interviews like “60 Minutes” did. And bad polls that don’t come true are not a valid basis for a lawsuit.
All of these entities should rest soundly and confidently knowing the First Amendment protects them from Trump’s authoritarian impulses.
But one has already surrendered. ABC settled with Trump to the tune of $15 million, and, adding insult to injury, agreed to publish a groveling apology note on behalf of the news outlet and Stephanopoulos.
Why would a company like Disney, which owns ABC and has the best lawyers money can buy, agree to give away $15 million on a case it most certainly would have won?
Corporate greed and spinelessness.
As The Bulwark’s Jonathan V. Last put it:
“I’d bet the milk money that Bob Iger — the CEO of Disney and one of the most important corporate executives in America — made the final call on settling with Trump. Because this is a decision that affects the entire corporation’s relationship to the federal government.
And while it might be against the interest of ABC News to sell out its journalists, it’s very much in the interest of the Walt Disney Company to be on good terms with a president who is open about punishing his enemies and rewarding his friends.”
It’s gross, but not surprising, that a giant conglomerate like Disney would want to do favors for an incoming administration that’s threatening to punish its enemies. But it’s downright disgusting that one that owns a news outlet would wholly surrender to baseless threats against press freedom, while throwing good journalists under the bus in the process.
Even though Trump likely knows these lawsuits are without merit, for him the process is the punishment. And with ABC’s capitulation, he’ll be emboldened to do it again and again.
“We have to straighten out the press,” he said. “Our press is very corrupt, almost as corrupt as our elections.”
Of course, just like our elections, the press is not corrupt. But if others surrender, the press will have been corrupted — by Trump himself.
So to those in Trump’s crosshairs, currently or in the future, remember the words of Judge Gurfein:
“A cantankerous press, an obstinate press, a ubiquitous press must be suffered by those in authority to preserve the even greater values of freedom of expression and the right of the people to know.”
(S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.)
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Free Images : hand, holding hands, gesture, arm, finger, greeting ...
Equipping Local Leaders to Improve Civic Health & Transform Systems of Governance
Dec 31, 2024
The National Civic League and the Bridge Alliance are proud to announce the “The Healthy Democracy Project. This joint effort will work with two communities to build the skills of civic leaders and equip them with the tools they need to address important civic challenges. Through one year of work, these communities will have increased capacity for solving community problems through inclusive civic engagement.
Background
People have the capacity to work together, address their differences, make good public decisions, develop plans, and solve problems. This fact is not always apparent in the national headlines, but it is clear to many people who are active in their communities, and it is on display in the presentations every year at the All-America City Awards.
Unfortunately, our systems of governance currently make it harder, not easier, for people to work together, and they typically fail to engage all populations. Civic health is based on the quality of civic opportunities and the strength of civic infrastructure. When these supports are weak, people of different backgrounds and political perspectives are less likely to communicate or work together, which exacerbates partisan polarization. When these supports are distributed inequitably, they deepen economic and social inequities.
Civic health matters in other ways, too. Strong, ongoing connections between residents, robust relationships between people and public institutions, and positive attachments between citizens and the places they live are highly correlated with a range of positive outcomes, from better physical health to higher employment rates to better resilience in the face of natural disasters. In most places, there are a range of opportunities for people to engage, but they are often undervalued, overlooked, and disconnected from one another.
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Many kinds of democracy innovations have emerged to transform systems of governance and, improve civic health, and engage a wider range of people. But most of them are temporary, ad hoc efforts – even when they are supported by public institutions, they are seldom incorporated into the official, ongoing ways that those institutions interact with citizens. In the world of civic innovation, a thousand flowers have bloomed; now, we need to do some gardening.
Project Components
The Healthy Democracy Project, which builds on the infrastructure provided by the Healthy Democracy Ecosystem Map, will support this civic gardening in communities across the country. Starting in two pilot communities, the Bridge Alliance and National Civic League will:
- Help identify and convene a set of civic leaders in that community, including people already in established decision-making positions and new leaders who are just starting to step forward. Each community cohort should be diverse in terms of age, race and ethnicity, sector, and political affiliation, with a particular emphasis on inclusion of underrepresented populations
- Conduct Civic Infrastructure Scans, using the Healthy Democracy Map as a starting point, to help leaders take stock of the history of engagement, levels of social capital and inclusion, and civic assets of their communities.
- Support skill development in collaborative leadership, deliberative dialogue, digital engagement, facilitation, civic measurement, relational organizing, cultural competence, outreach throughout the community, and other civic competencies.
- Provide training on and access to tools such as the Map, Engagement Scorecard, Text Talk Act, Civic Index, Perfect City’s participatory theater process, Better Neighbors Better Neighborhoods, Civic Health Action Guide, Guide to Local Civic Measurement, and other resources that help leaders understand their communities and engage fellow community members and regional partners.
- Assist leaders as they develop large-scale civic engagement processes that:
- Tackle a major local problem or policy decision – creating agency and power for citizens on the issues that most impact them.
- Build civic infrastructure and equity in the process.
The pilot communities will be chosen through a collaborative process, focusing on diverse mid-sized cities that offer the opportunity to engage distinct groups.
Outcomes
Through the Healthy Democracy Project, each community will have a stronger civic infrastructure, with a diverse cadre of community leaders who are better able to:
- Form and maintain cross-sector, multicultural leadership groups.
- Create investment strategies for sufficient local and national resources to scale and sustain the work in their community.
- Understand how media organizations can best engage and inform the public and reach all populations, and how the public can best support and engage media organizations ▪ Use the Healthy Democracy Map and other approaches to identify allies, survey their community’s civic infrastructure, and find compelling examples in other places
- Use attitudinal research tools to understand citizens’ preferences on ways to strengthen inclusive democracy.
- Engage large, diverse numbers of people in the development and implementation of plans to strengthen civic infrastructure and local democracy, with a particular emphasis on involving underrepresented populations.
In these polarized times, it is more important than ever for citizens to become engaged and feel they can make a difference. The Healthy Democracy Project will not only provide the tools needed to help civic leaders affect key issues facing their communities, it will also provide the inspiration, purpose, and belief they need to energize their fellow citizens.
Becvar is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and executive director of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
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