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Reformers will have more opportunities to engage and lead in 2022

National Association of Nonpartisan Reformers
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As we turn the final pages on a tumultuous 2021, all this week The Fulcrum will share a year-end series of guest commentaries from a distinguished group of columnists on the current state of electoral reform and what we may expect in the upcoming year.

Moore is executive director of the National Association of Nonpartisan Reformers.

Americans are tired. Yes, we’re tired of the pandemic, but I’m talking about something deeper, structural and core to our nation’s identity. Our collective malaise is rooted in the frustration and dissatisfaction that borders on despair we feel when we hear the words like “politics,” “government” or “vote.” We are tired because we feel like things are getting worse, our elected officials don’t care, and we are powerless to fix the situation.

Politics, it seems, has an acute sense of irony. Despite the many issues that divide us, it is this profound sense of demoralization on which voters of all parties agree. Regardless of income, education, race, gender, geographic location or party affiliation, an increasing number of voters look upon the American democracy with disappointment. This is not the republic we ordered.

The good news is: Change is coming.


A renewed sense of civic duty, purpose and honest-to-goodness excitement percolates in communities throughout the country. In every state of the union, from the harbors of Maine to the Missourian plains and from sunny California to the Alaskan frontier, American voters (even the tired ones) have declared an end to the business-as-usual, politicians-and-lobbyists-first style of government. In living rooms and Zoom meetings across the country, people are convening around shared goals, making connections with like-minded friends and neighbors, and catalyzing those relationships and their pooled resources into making structural reforms that benefit our democracy as a whole.

Four years ago, the National Association of Nonpartisan Reformers was born at one such convening. Leaders from several of the most prominent organizations focused on democracy reform gathered together in good faith with a shared vision and recognition of what was happening throughout the country. We believe that a more fair and competitive election system will not only strengthen our democracy but will also improve the responsiveness and credibility of the two major parties. We favor a robust competition of numerous political parties and independents and a level playing field on which that can occur.

Today our association has nearly 50 members, including organizations that are leading the way for pro-voter structural reforms like open primaries, ranked-choice voting, approval voting, anti-corruption measures, independent redistricting, and measures to close the loopholes and get money out of politics. We strive to convene the thought-leaders of the democracy reform movement, connect our members to one another and the resources they need to do their work more effectively and efficiently, and enable our members to catalyze their effort into positive, meaningful change for their communities.

As we move into 2022, we are launching new initiatives to promote these goals among our members. “Reformers Unite!” is a monthly education and networking series to help connect organizations and campaigns on common issues and in geographic regions. “Reformers Lead” is a masterclass series designed for executives and organizational leaders interested in honing their leadership skills. We are also refreshing our dues structure to ensure more organizations can join and benefit from membership in our association.

Why this is important: America can’t afford to be on autopilot; it demands our attention and our focus. The democracy of the United States has been a model for the rest of the world because of the diligent men and women who have shepherded it through history with grace, grit and persistence. I encourage you to become a member of NANR and join the family of democracy reformers your grandchildren will read about in their history books.

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After the Ceasefire, the Violence Continues – and Cries for New Words

An Israeli army vehicle moves on the Israeli side, near the border with the Gaza Strip on November 18, 2025 in Southern Israel, Israel.

(Photo by Amir Levy/Getty Images)

After the Ceasefire, the Violence Continues – and Cries for New Words

Since October 10, 2025, the day when the US-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Hamas was announced, Israel has killed at least 401 civilians, including at least 148 children. This has led Palestinian scholar Saree Makdisi to decry a “continuing genocide, albeit one that has shifted gears and has—for now—moved into the slow lane. Rather than hundreds at a time, it is killing by twos and threes” or by twenties and thirties as on November 19 and November 23 – “an obscenity that has coalesced into a new normal.” The Guardian columnist Nesrine Malik describes the post-ceasefire period as nothing more than a “reducefire,” quoting the warning issued by Amnesty International’s secretary general Agnès Callamard that the ”world must not be fooled” into believing that Israel’s genocide is over.

A visual analysis of satellite images conducted by the BBC has established that since the declared ceasefire, “the destruction of buildings in Gaza by the Israeli military has been continuing on a huge scale,” entire neighborhoods “levelled” through “demolitions,” including large swaths of farmland and orchards. The Guardian reported already in March of 2024, that satellite imagery proved the “destruction of about 38-48% of tree cover and farmland” and 23% of Gaza’s greenhouses “completely destroyed.” Writing about the “colossal violence” Israel has wrought on Gaza, Palestinian legal scholar Rabea Eghbariah lists “several variations” on the term “genocide” which researchers found the need to introduce, such as “urbicide” (the systematic destruction of cities), “domicide” (systematic destruction of housing), “sociocide,” “politicide,” and “memoricide.” Others have added the concepts “ecocide,” “scholasticide” (the systematic destruction of Gaza’s schools, universities, libraries), and “medicide” (the deliberate attacks on all aspects of Gaza’s healthcare with the intent to “wipe out” all medical care). It is only the combination of all these “-cides,” all amounting to massive war crimes, that adequately manages to describe the Palestinian condition. Constantine Zurayk introduced the term “Nakba” (“catastrophe” in Arabic) in 1948 to name the unparalleled “magnitude and ramifications of the Zionist conquest of Palestine” and its historical “rupture.” When Eghbariah argues for “Nakba” as a “new legal concept,” he underlines, however, that to understand its magnitude, one needs to go back to the 1917 Balfour Declaration, in which the British colonial power promised “a national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, even though just 6 % of its population were Jewish. From Nakba as the “constitutive violence of 1948,” we need today to conceptualize “Nakba as a structure,” an “overarching frame.”

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Campbell's episode, now the subject of national headlines and an ongoing high-profile legal complaint, is troubling not only for its blunt language but for what it reveals about the hidden injuries that erode the social contract linking institutions to citizens, workers to workplaces, and brands to buyers. If the response ends with the usual PR maneuvers—rapid firings and the well-rehearsed "this does not reflect our values" statement. Then both the lesson and the opportunity for genuine reform by a company or individual are lost. To grasp what this controversy means for the broader corporate landscape, we first have to examine how leadership reveals its actual beliefs.

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