Nearly 18 months after Donald Trump lost the 2020 presidential election, many of his backers continue to repeat the Big Lie. In fact, some of those “election deniers” are now seeking to control elections themselves.
While much has been written about those candidates for office, less attention has been paid to the effort to combat their campaigns. And the pushback is not just from the left. There is a growing industry of center-right groups that arose from anti-Trumpism and now see themselves as defenders of democracy.
One such organization is the Renew America Movement.
Trump’s claims that he was the rightful winner in 2020 spawned a “ Stop the Steal ” movement that led to the Jan. 6, 2021 insurrection at the U.S. Capitol and inspired nearly 100 election deniers to run for state office.
The source of the attack on the Capitol and ensuring political maneuvering centers around one person, according to Joel Searby, Renew America Movement’s political director.
“Most fundamentally what caused it was that President Trump said it was true [that he won the election] and he has such a strong and faithful following that they believed what he said,” Searby explained.
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However, Trump’s rhetoric would not have garnered such radical support if it were not for the existing framework of turmoil brewing within the nation’s political landscape.
“Of course, there was an entire ecosystem around him making the same case,” Searby said. “What drove a lot of that was an ecosystem of conspiracy theories and a lack of trust in our institutions and in the media, so a lot of people went to their corners,” says Searby.
Anti-Trump right come out swinging
With the nation becoming increasingly polarized, some organizations are trying to work across party lines to ameliorate the problems caused by such deep division. That’s where conservative outfits like The Bulwark and RAM come in, taking a stand against the increasingly radical nature of the Republican Party, with some even choosing to walk away from their affiliation with the GOP entirely.
RAM was founded by anti-Trump Republicans in 2021, including former Trump administration officials, governors, members of Congress and business leaders. The group pledges to work with Republicans, Democrats and independents to advocate for a healthy democracy, regardless of party affiliation. One particular facet of the movement focuses on electing officials who represent bipartisan values.
“People who see the risks to our democracy right now are putting down a lot of their own personal preferences in order to build alliances to work against the most extreme elements of our parties, particularly on the Republican side,” Searby said.
Searby pointed to Georgia’s lieutenant governor, Geoff Duncan, as an example of a pro-democracy Republican who faced ostracization from his party and loss of support from many constituents in light of his contradiction of voter fraud claims.
A lifelong Republican and staunch Trump supporter, Duncan “checks every box on every conservative list you could imagine,” Searby said. “Even as someone of that high degree of integrity and credibility in the Republican party, his voice meant almost nothing to Trump supporters. … It’s just a really concerning and disturbing example of how tight the grip is on this lie.”
Additionally, some have begun to advocate for a legitimately competitive third party, particularly one driven by many former Republicans who no longer feel aligned with the representation and values expressed by the party. Searby fits this mold himself.
A former Republican, Searby has been working for independent candidates, including on RAM co-founder Evan McMullin’s 2016 presidential campaign. McMullin is now challenging GOP Sen. Mike Lee of Utah as an independent.
“I see a lot of energy in the third way space, of people who want to see an entirely new way in our politics, not just trying to fix the two broken parties but thinking of new ways to creatively disrupt the system,” Searby said.
But groups like RAM or the Democrats leading efforts to recruit candidates for election administration positions are not aiming at a stationary target.
Trump supporters are trying to build on their unsubstantiated claims of voter fraud by holding “ election integrity summits.” And those who believe the Big Lie are not easily persuaded by facts, according to Sarah Longwell, publisher of The Bulwark.
Moving forward
Obviously, there is still ample room for growth within these movements and the American socio-political atmosphere in general. With groups like RAM building a following or The Bulwark attracting a large audience, organizers are optimistic.
“We know we disagree on core policy issues, but what we agree on is the protection of our democracy and pushing back against lies and authoritarian rhetoric so we’re building alliances around those things,” Searby said.
The upcoming 2022 midterm elections and, inevitably, the 2024 presidential election will set the tone for the future dynamics of politics for years to come. Recent studies have found that, while more moderate voters are turned off by polarization within each party, polarization actually leads to higher participation among those who lean strongly to either side.
“Those who were profiting from political work were incentivized to divide us, [which] further incentivizes our elected leaders to play that game,” Searby said.
That’s why he says one of the most significant ways people can help change the tone is through financial contributions to bipartisan campaigns and movements.
“There’s a lot of money flowing around at the very highest level in this country, so it’s a little disheartening that those with the means [aren’t supporting this movement more],” he said. “On the flipside, those people who are giving their hard-earned $50 to $100 donations to places like Renew America, that’s where you get a lot of hope.”
While Searby fears the “broken parts” of the American political system – gerrymandering, partisan primaries, the Electoral College and some election processes – may lead to more violence if not checked, he sounded an optimistic note.
“The center of gravity right now in the political reform and ‘new way’ space is really about being united to protect our democracy against authoritarian tendencies.We can find a lot of common ground on that,” he said. “We are a beautifully pluralistic country, and we have to remember how to work together across all these various divides for these bigger picture goals.”



















Eric Trump, the newly appointed ALT5 board director of World Liberty Financial, walks outside of the NASDAQ in Times Square as they mark the $1.5- billion partnership between World Liberty Financial and ALT5 Sigma with the ringing of the NASDAQ opening bell, on Aug. 13, 2025, in New York City.
Why does the Trump family always get a pass?
Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche joined ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday to defend or explain a lot of controversies for the Trump administration: the Epstein files release, the events in Minneapolis, etc. He was also asked about possible conflicts of interest between President Trump’s family business and his job. Specifically, Blanche was asked about a very sketchy deal Trump’s son Eric signed with the UAE’s national security adviser, Sheikh Tahnoon.
Shortly before Trump was inaugurated in early 2025, Tahnoon invested $500 million in the Trump-owned World Liberty, a then newly launched cryptocurrency outfit. A few months later, UAE was granted permission to purchase sensitive American AI chips. According to the Wall Street Journal, which broke the story, “the deal marks something unprecedented in American politics: a foreign government official taking a major ownership stake in an incoming U.S. president’s company.”
“How do you respond to those who say this is a serious conflict of interest?” ABC host George Stephanopoulos asked.
“I love it when these papers talk about something being unprecedented or never happening before,” Blanche replied, “as if the Biden family and the Biden administration didn’t do exactly the same thing, and they were just in office.”
Blanche went on to boast about how the president is utterly transparent regarding his questionable business practices: “I don’t have a comment on it beyond Trump has been completely transparent when his family travels for business reasons. They don’t do so in secret. We don’t learn about it when we find a laptop a few years later. We learn about it when it’s happening.”
Sadly, Stephanopoulos didn’t offer the obvious response, which may have gone something like this: “OK, but the president and countless leading Republicans insisted that President Biden was the head of what they dubbed ‘the Biden Crime family’ and insisted his business dealings were corrupt, and indeed that his corruption merited impeachment. So how is being ‘transparent’ about similar corruption a defense?”
Now, I should be clear that I do think the Biden family’s business dealings were corrupt, whether or not laws were broken. Others disagree. I also think Trump’s business dealings appear to be worse in many ways than even what Biden was alleged to have done. But none of that is relevant. The standard set by Trump and Republicans is the relevant political standard, and by the deputy attorney general’s own account, the Trump administration is doing “exactly the same thing,” just more openly.
Since when is being more transparent about wrongdoing a defense? Try telling a cop or judge, “Yes, I robbed that bank. I’ve been completely transparent about that. So, what’s the big deal?”
This is just a small example of the broader dysfunction in the way we talk about politics.
Americans have a special hatred for hypocrisy. I think it goes back to the founding era. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed in “Democracy In America,” the old world had a different way of dealing with the moral shortcomings of leaders. Rank had its privileges. Nobles, never mind kings, were entitled to behave in ways that were forbidden to the little people.
In America, titles of nobility were banned in the Constitution and in our democratic culture. In a society built on notions of equality (the obvious exceptions of Black people, women, Native Americans notwithstanding) no one has access to special carve-outs or exemptions as to what is right and wrong. Claiming them, particularly in secret, feels like a betrayal against the whole idea of equality.
The problem in the modern era is that elites — of all ideological stripes — have violated that bargain. The result isn’t that we’ve abandoned any notion of right and wrong. Instead, by elevating hypocrisy to the greatest of sins, we end up weaponizing the principles, using them as a cudgel against the other side but not against our own.
Pick an issue: violent rhetoric by politicians, sexual misconduct, corruption and so on. With every revelation, almost immediately the debate becomes a riot of whataboutism. Team A says that Team B has no right to criticize because they did the same thing. Team B points out that Team A has switched positions. Everyone has a point. And everyone is missing the point.
Sure, hypocrisy is a moral failing, and partisan inconsistency is an intellectual one. But neither changes the objective facts. This is something you’re supposed to learn as a child: It doesn’t matter what everyone else is doing or saying, wrong is wrong. It’s also something lawyers like Mr. Blanche are supposed to know. Telling a judge that the hypocrisy of the prosecutor — or your client’s transparency — means your client did nothing wrong would earn you nothing but a laugh.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.