Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Building bridges isn't just 'right' — it's practical

Opinion

bridging the partisan divide
timsa/Getty Images

Gates and Gerzon are co-directors of Philanthropy Bridging Divides, a transpartisan conversation among America's philanthropic leaders.

After examining “ anti-bridgers ” and “ faux bridging ” in our previous two columns, it is clear that genuinely "bridging divides" is challenging, rare and difficult. It is hard work, requires skillful facilitation, an open mind and ongoing care. It means that one has to be open to listening to other perspectives and learning from those with other points of view. It means making oneself vulnerable, recognizing that even our strongest-held beliefs might need to be reexamined.

Earlier in our careers we were both warriors, sure of our points of view and eager to beat down the other side. But it has become clear to both of us that the victories earned via battle are truly pyrrhic. Little or no real progress endures. Our side wins today; their side wins tomorrow; and the country careens from left to right, slowly but surely losing its way.


In some ways, our current politics seem to epitomize that approach. Our parties take turns rallying their troops and vilifying the other side as voters consistently flip power from one side to the other in an effort to find some semblance of balance. But evidently that’s not working. (Two-thirds of Americans think the country is on the “wrong track” and only 20 percent think it’s going in the “right direction.”)

Democracy reform has fallen victim to this phenomena as much as any other issue. Each party proposes “reforms” that are basically designed to promote their cause and favor their side. The reform community, while sometimes mouthing the word “transpartisan,” is primarily led by those on the center-left, which means that those on the center-right often completely avoid the conversation about the state of democratic practice. And yet, as John Gardner, the founder of Common Cause and a mentor to Chris, famously said, “Someone needs to worry about what’s best for democracy no matter who is in charge.”

If we have any realistic hope of making our democracy more fair, more open, more inclusive and more relevant, we will need to find a way to build a bridge that can connect the two warring armies. We are not naive about how difficult it might be to do this, but we think it is imperative.

We believe there are three key actions that need to be taken to authentically move this work forward.

  1. To truly bridge ideological divides, the reform community needs to become more diverse in every way. Organizations need to ideologically diversify their senior staff and boards. It isn’t enough to announce: “We have a Republican on our board!” That person will invariably be, and be viewed as, a token. Democracy advocates must also find a way to become more racially and ethnically diverse. In addition to being a largely center-left movement, it is also largely a very white movement in a country that is becoming more diverse by the day. The field must find a way to look more like America in 2022, which is a diverse nation with a relatively evenly divided electorate.
  2. This work will require multiple platforms that are truly and authentically safe, civic spaces, places and settings where diverse perspectives can be safely shared, without fear of attack or contempt. Again, this is easier said than done, and will require mediation and facilitation of the highest degree. Stephen Heinz, president of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, often reminds us that cross-partisan bridging can only happen “at the speed of trust.” If we don’t know our counterpart on the other side, we can never build the bonds of trust that will allow us to find common ground.
  3. Finally, those who engage in this work need to recognize that “bridging divides” doesn’t always translate into finding common ground, or even agreeing. Sometimes it is enough to better understand a perspective that is different from your own, even if both sides hold their positions. What is likely to happen in these instances is that the “disagreement” remains just that. Two sides or two people who understand why the other holds the position they hold. In these instances there is less anger, less name calling and fewer misunderstandings. Sen. Bob Dole, who passed away earlier this month, was known as a tough warrior and a defender of his position, but he was also kind, human and funny. He could disagree with you and you could disagree with him but it never got angry and it never got personal. We could use a dose of that in our country today.

We have concluded that bridge-building is the way forward, not just because it is “civil” or “respectful,” but because it is practical. The real change-makers during the past century — Gandhi, Mandela, King — always incorporated dialogue into their strategies for change. Even from the Birmingham jail, Martin Luther King Jr. said the goal of the movement was “not victory, but reconciliation.”

So as we head into another election year, let us keep his wise counsel in mind. For those who are in the partisan game, whichever side you are on — red, blue or independent — you will no doubt want your candidate and your party to win. But at the same time you can work to better understand other perspectives and why someone might have a different point of view.

For those who have stepped out of the partisan arena, the coming year will be a critical time for building bridging infrastructure and transpartisan relationships. It will also be an important time for reminding citizens and voters alike that partisan, zero-sum politics is just one of our tools for solving problems and moving our nation forward.

For all of us who care about the health of our democracy, these can sometimes feel like perilous times. But if history is our guide, we will find a way forward that is more civil, less angry and more inclusive.


Read More

A stage on the national mall with a crowd of people before it.

Attendees arrive during the Great American State Fair Kickoff Celebration on the National Mall on June 24, 2026 in Washington, DC. The Great American State Fair runs through July 10 celebrating the 250th anniversary of the United States of America.

Al Drago / Getty Images

America’s Birthday Is Not a Trump Rally

Growing up in Ithaca, a college town in New York’s Finger Lakes region, I had a very different idea of the Fourth of July.

Independence Day was a community ritual. Families gathered before the parade, children buzzed with anticipation, veterans and local officials passed by, fire trucks and marching bands rolled through downtown, neighbors greeted one another by name, and best of all, fireworks lit up the night sky. The celebration was modest, local, and imperfect in the way all genuine civic life is imperfect. It fostered a sense of belonging.

Keep ReadingShow less
Only Trump doesn’t care about housing

A view of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 25, 2026. President Donald Trump jolted Republicans during a fiery appearance at the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, scrapping a housing bill signing ceremony and clashing behind closed doors with a party rebel who challenged him over the Iran war. Trump had been expected to sign the bipartisan housing.

(AFP via Getty Images)

Only Trump doesn’t care about housing

It was August 15, 2024. Then candidate Donald Trump stepped out of his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club’s columned clubhouse to a gaggle of reporters. He was flanked by tables of groceries and signs showing the rising cost of food. Also on one of the tables was a dollhouse, meant to represent the equally alarming rise in housing prices.

It was a speech about the economy, the single most important issue of the 2024 election cycle, full of promises that went right to the heart of Americans’ anxieties. While former President Joe Biden and then Vice President Kamala Harris were contorting themselves to posture a good economy that just needed more time to recover from the pandemic, Trump was preying on voters’ very real fears of unaffordable gas, groceries, and homes. It was obviously a winning message.

Keep ReadingShow less
The worst deal in the history of deals

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks with U.S. President Donald Trump during a Cabinet meeting in the Cabinet Room of the White House on May 27, 2026 in Washington, D.C. Trump met with his Cabinet days after saying a peace deal with Iran was“ largely negotiated” amid expectations around the re-opening the Strait of Hormuz.

(Getty Images)

The worst deal in the history of deals

As a former Republican, sometimes it’s fun to look back on the things we — I was part of a “we” at one time — criticized Democrats for, and not all that long ago.

Remember, if you will, when Republicans condemned former President Bill Clinton for pardoning his brother and his corrupt donor friend Marc Rich?

Keep ReadingShow less
July 4th and the American Faith We’ve Watched Slip Away

Kids and families celebrate the US Bicentennial near the New York Harbor in Lower Manhattan. Taken on July 4, 1976 in New York City, New York.

(Photo by David Attie/Getty Images.)

July 4th and the American Faith We’ve Watched Slip Away

I was a girl in Philadelphia in the summer when America turned 200. The birthplace of America was electric in a way I've never forgotten — crowds stretching from the art museum steps down to the Delaware River, each city block corded off for parades, cookouts, celebrations, and the kind of noise that felt like belonging.

It was also, I know now, a particular kind of American moment — one that required something beyond good weather and a long weekend. It required a belief that the country and its highest office still belonged to all of us.

Keep ReadingShow less