Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Supreme Court keeps Florida felon voting rights on hold

Florida felon voting

Ex-felon Clarence Singleton registered to vote in Fort Myers in January, before the legal fight intensified.

Joe Raedle/Getty Images

The Supreme Court on Thursday blocked several hundred thousand Florida felons from exercising their new voting rights in next month's primary.

The decision was the first from the high court in one of the past decade's most important, impassioned and complicated stories about expanding democracy.

The justices refused to quickly intervene in an appeals court decision that is preventing felons released from prison from registering and voting until they pay all fines, court costs and restitution. The ruling certainly sidelines them from the August primary and perhaps also the general election, when their votes might prove dispositive in another of Florida's razor-close presidential contests.


The court's three most liberal justices — Sonia Sotomayor, Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Elena Kagan — dissented. Sotomayor, writing for the three, said that thousands of ex-felons are being blocked from voting in the primary "simply because they are poor."

"This court's inaction continues a trend of condoning disfranchisement," she wrote, deriding the rules at the center of the case as a "voter paywall."

The decision is the latest twist in a complex legal battle that goes back to the fall of 2018, when 65 percent of Florida voters decided to restore voting rights to almost all convicted felons who had completed their sentences, including probation and parole.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

The following year, the GOP-majority Legislature passed and Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis signed a law requiring felons to pay all their court-ordered financial obligations before registering. It was based on the rationale that those payments constitute completion of a criminal sentence.

That law was then challenged and federal Judge Robert Hinkle struck it down in May — ruling the law created a "pay-to-vote" system that was akin to the poll taxes barred by constitutional amendment during the civil rights era.

The state appealed, and this month the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals granted a request from DeSantis to put the judge's decision on hold until the full court could hear arguments Aug. 18 — coincidentally or not, the same day as the primary.

"This is a deeply disappointing decision," said Paul Smith of the Campaign Legal Center, the voting rights advocacy group that asked the court to allow felons to vote right away.

An estimated 85,000 felons have registered during the period in the legal wrangling when that was allowed.

As many as 1.4 million ex-convicts were covered by the voters' decision, but about half of them appear to have some sort of financial obligations to the state — although how many of them and how much they owe, remains a mystery because of poor government record-keeping. That confusion is cited by voting rights groups as one of the reasons why the new law amounts to unconstitutional voter suppression.

But how many ultimately would register and vote is uncertain — and now will continue to be. The deadline for getting on the rolls in time for the primary is Monday.

Most states restore the franchise to felons after their sentences, along with time on parole or probation. About a dozen impose significantly restrictive additional requirements. Before the referendum, almost no felons in the state were ever allowed to cast a ballot again. It was one of the most restrictive rules in the country — so the statewide vote at the time amounted to one of the biggest single expansions of the franchise in modern American history.

States run by both parties have been moving steadily to expand the political rights of criminals who have done their time, agreeing with civil rights groups that such moves accelerate their return to productive roles in their communities. Many conservatives disagree, saying their debts to society should not be too easy to retire. They also concede, however, that the more felons vote the worse Republican candidates fare.

Since Florida's felon population, like that of almost all states, is disproportionately Black and Latino, a new burst of their votes would almost certainly propel Joe Biden to carrying the state's 29 electoral votes. President Trump won them last time by less than 1 point.

In several voting rights cases that have landed on its doorstep near election dates, the Supreme Court has declined to intervene — citing the precedent the court set 14 years ago, dubbed the Purcell principle: "Court orders affecting elections, especially conflicting orders, can themselves result in voter confusion and consequent incentive to remain away from the polls," the court ruled then. "As an election draws closer, that risk will increase."

The state of Florida argued that the trial judge's decision had run afoul of that principle.

Read More

The Republican Party Can Build A Winning Coalition With Independents

People voting at a polling booth.

Getty Images//Rawpixel

The Republican Party Can Build A Winning Coalition With Independents

The results of the 2024 election should put to bed any doubts as to the power of independent voters to decide key elections. Independents accounted for 34% of voters in 2024, handing President Trump the margin of victory in every swing state race and making him only the second Republican to win the popular vote since 1988. The question now is whether Republicans will build bridges with independent voters and cement a generational winning coalition or squander the opportunity like the Democrats did with the independent-centric Obama coalition.

Almost as many independents came out to vote this past November as Republicans, more than the 31% of voters who said they were Democrats, and just slightly below the 35% of voters who said they were Republicans. In 2020, independents cast just 26% of the ballots nationwide. The President’s share of the independent vote went up 5% compared to the 2020 election when he lost the independent vote to former President Biden by a wide margin. It’s no coincidence that many of the key demographics that President Trump made gains with this election season—Latinos, Asians and African Americans—are also seeing historic levels of independent voter registration.

Keep ReadingShow less
Elon Musk's X Factor Won’t Fix Big Government

Tesla and SpaceX CEO Elon Musk speaks with former president Donald Trump during a campaign event at the Butler Farm Show, Saturday, Oct. 5, 2024, in Butler, Pa.

Getty Images, The Washington Post

Elon Musk's X Factor Won’t Fix Big Government

Elon Musk’s reputation as a disruptor, transforming industries like automobiles and space travel with Tesla and SpaceX, will be severely tested as he turns his attention to government reform through the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). DOGE lacks official agency status and depends on volunteers, raising concerns about its credibility. Musk claims his team of young techies can slash federal spending by $2 trillion, but history casts serious doubt on private-sector fixes for big government. So far, he has largely avoided legal scrutiny with the GOP-led Congress’ help, while handing sensitive operations to his team of “experts.” What could possibly go wrong?

Musk’s plan involves embedding these techies in federal agencies to find inefficiencies. His confidence comes from past successes, such as cost-cutting at X (formerly Twitter) through drastic measures like layoffs. There’s no denying that private-sector innovation has improved government services before—cloud computing, AI-driven fraud detection, and streamlined procurement have saved billions. But running a government isn’t like running a business. It’s not just about efficiency or profit—it’s about providing essential services, enforcing laws, and balancing competing interests to ensure a measure of fairness.

Keep ReadingShow less
Large Bipartisan Majorities Oppose Deep Cuts to Foreign Aid

The Program for Public Consultation at the University of Maryland releases a new survey, fielded February 6-7, 2025, with a representative sample of 1,160 adults nationwide.

Pexels, Tima Miroshnichenko

Large Bipartisan Majorities Oppose Deep Cuts to Foreign Aid

An overwhelming majority of 89% of Americans say the U.S. should spend at least one percent of the federal budget on foreign aid—the current amount the U.S. spends on aid. This includes 84% of Republicans and 94% of Democrats.

Fifty-eight percent oppose abolishing the U.S. Agency for International Development and folding its functions into the State Department, including 77% of Democrats and 62% of independents. But 60% of Republicans favor the move.

Keep ReadingShow less