Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Abortion at the Dinner Table

An immigrant story.

Opinion

Abortion at the Dinner Table

A doctor and patient holding hands.

Getty Images, thianchai sitthikongsak

It was New Year's Eve 2021, six months before Roe v. Wade was overturned, and I was sitting at my parents' dinner table in La Lima, Honduras, about to have one of the most appallingly memorable nights in my life. The fact was that I, a Latina immigrant from Honduras working in New Orleans, had just had an abortion in the same city, one that marked my life in countless ways. I was quick to address the elephant in the room, my abortion in the face of a deeply Catholic culture, riddled with machismo, and in a country that criminalizes abortions. The table was silent for a moment. Around me were my family and my partner at the time. My mother broke down in tears:

“Mataste a mi nieto.”


“You killed my grandson.”

It pierced my heart to be labeled a murderer by my own mother, a doctor herself, while also assuming a gender for the fetus.

“Si pasa otra vez, dámelo a mi.”

“If this happens again, give it to me,” added my father.

My partner at that time asked me why I brought it up in the first place. I could have kept it a secret and avoided the family fallout. It was simple for me, I want to be loved as I truly am. I didn’t feel loved by my family, I felt ostracized, alone, and on the verge of being shut off from any family support or care I had ever had. All for making what I believed in my heart was the best decision for myself at that particular moment.

My abortion itself was marked by traumatic moments stemming from the multiple barriers to care and reproductive healthcare that already existed even when abortion was still legal in Louisiana. Because of complications and the extended process to actually get an abortion, I ended up going to the clinic three times. Every time I was at the clinic, a different Latina would show up seeking an abortion, and because of a lack of language access, I offered myself as an interpreter for every step of the process, from the payment at the start, to the actual procedure, to the aftercare required. My interpreting skills were so needed that by the third day, the staff already knew me by name and would seek me out when a Spanish speaker came in. I was shocked. If I hadn’t been there, these women would have had to go through such a personal healthcare procedure without knowing what they were being subjected to and what exactly the procedure was—not even for the process that one has to agree to in order to access pain medication. I saw a diversity of abortion seekers who had to endure protesters shaming them outside the clinic, most were mothers already, some had already had abortions, others were in abusive relationships, and some were as young as 15. All of them were convinced that having a child at this moment would be detrimental to their health, well-being, and lives.

The first day I came in for my D&C, I spent the entire day in the clinic. I was nearly the last person. Already drugged up, and shaking a bit from the lack of food, the medicine, and the cold AC, I laid on the surgical table. The doctor attempted to go through my cervix with his instrument and I felt a sharp poking pain. He tried again, but my cervix wasn’t dilated enough. The doctor said that I had to come back on Monday, but I had to be vigilant and go to the emergency room if I started bleeding heavily. I had already taken the drugs to dilate my cervix, so there was a possibility that I could pass the pregnancy throughout the weekend. I’m thankful that I had a community of friends who took care of me throughout the anxiety-ridden weekend. I had a successful procedure when I came back that Monday, and the provider who saw me was the kindest woman I had met, guiding me through each step of the procedure. I kept thinking about the other Spanish-speaking women, who had no idea what was being done to their bodies because of the lack of language access.

My abortion marked my life so profoundly, I can’t not share it. When we talk about abortion and reproductive justice, we seldom mention immigration, but my story goes to show that immigrants, just like everyone else, get abortions. Abortion is now illegal in Louisiana, a state that ranks the highest for maternal mortality and has one of the highest poverty rates in the country. There is also a large immigrant population, and our fight is for access to legal, safe abortion itself but also for language justice in all its forms and in all instances. We all deserve a world where we never feel alone, a world where we have full access to all healthcare services we need, in the language we speak, at the time that we need them.

I lost my work visa in 2022, and now I’m on a deferred action status, one that is under threat of elimination. Because of that, I am not able to travel back home to Honduras. My family and I have worked on repairing our relationship after the fallout. My mother has apologized and even opened up to learning more about reproductive justice. I can’t help but think, if something happened to her, I wouldn’t be able to take care of her. The other day, after reading headlines of the ICE kidnappings happening around the U.S., she told me she had a nightmare about ICE kidnapping me. This is reproductive justice, too; immigrant justice is reproductive justice through and through.


Edith Romero is a Honduran community organizer, researcher, writer, and a Public Voices fellow of The OpEd Project, The National Latina Institute for Reproductive Justice, and the Every Page Foundation.


Read More

Classsroom
empty classroom with desks and chalkboard
Photo by Ivan Aleksic on Unsplash

Who Gets a Seat?: Florida’s New Bans on Undocumented Students in Public Higher Education

Each year, roughly 8,000 undocumented students graduate from Florida high schools. In 2026, Florida became the newest state to pass a regulation prohibiting this population from enrolling in state public colleges and selective universities. In June 2026, Florida State Board of Education passed Rule 6A-10.0240, which requires all 28 Florida College System institutions to certify admitted students as citizens of the United States or have lawful presence. In September 2026, a separate state board extended a similar ban to Florida’s most selective public universities.

Throughout the United States, there are three states that have historically upheld similar barring policies: Alabama and South Carolina ban undocumented students from all public colleges and universities, while Georgia bars them only from its most selective public universities. Florida’s restrictions are administrative rules and regulations, not state laws passed by the Legislature. Similar bills died in committee during Florida’s 2026 legislative session.

Keep ReadingShow less
White marble exterior of the United States Capitol, often called the Capitol Building, is the home of the United States Congress and the seat of the legislative branch of the U.S. federal government

The CLARITY Act crypto bill failed a procedural vote on Sept. 15, but it could return. Here's what it does, who would regulate crypto, and the Trump angle.

Richard Sharrocks / Getty Images

The CLARITY Act

The CLARITY Act

The CLARITY Act, which failed in a procedural vote on Sept. 15, and a new venture by the Trump family’s World Liberty Financial cryptocurrency company made us think it was time to write about the cryptocurrency legislation. Even though it’s not currently active, the bill could come back.

Keep ReadingShow less
Tattered American flag

Trump's "Restoring Truth and Sanity" order targets how museums and parks present slavery and racism. Why one writer says Americans should push back.

Nisian Hughes/Getty Images

Trump's Mendacious, Deceitful Rewriting of American History

History is made of two parts. One is indisputable facts and the other is the interpretation of those facts. The history of history is filled with varying interpretations of the basic facts, usually tinted by the perspective of the historian or commentator. That perspective can be the writer's political leanings, his philosophy, or any number of personal biases.

All historians, however, whether conservative or liberal, regardless of philosophy generally agree on the basic facts. For example, while there are fringe groups and individuals who deny that the Holocaust happened—that 6 millions Jews were killed by the Nazis—no reputable historian disputes that fact.

Keep ReadingShow less
​Paintings of Stalin

Paintings of Stalin on sale to tourists in Tbilisi's old quarter, Georgia

Getty Images

The Stalinization of America

In the mid-1930s in the Soviet Union, under Joseph Stalin's leadership, the NKVD (the predecessor of the KGB) drove around Moscow and other cities in trucks with the word ХЛЕБ on the side. This translates into English as “Bread,” leaving the appearance that these were bakery trucks distributing fresh bread throughout the city. The stories are well told by some of the great dissident Soviet writers of the time, like the poet Osip Mandelstam, his wife Nadezhda, and several others. Osip Mandelstam was first arrested in part for his satirical poem about Joseph Stalin entitled The Stalin Epigram.

Recently, one is drawn to recognize the parallels between the NKVD bread trucks and black SUVs filled with ICE officers, who mask their faces and offer no identification as they snatch children and adults off the street because they have melanin in their skin or speak with an accent. Like the NKVD, ICE officers shoot people without substantive explanation, detain more than 66,000 people, many without criminal records, including occasional citizens, and ship them off to undisclosed detention centers. They have also deported hundreds of thousands of people, often without notice or due process.

Keep ReadingShow less