Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

Two aspects of our nation's original self-contradiction

Cartoon depicting slavery

The people who fought for freedom also institutionalized slavery.

mikroman6/Getty Images

Anderson edited "Leveraging: A Political, Economic and Societal Framework, " has taught at five universities and ran for the Democratic nomination for a Maryland congressional seat in 2016.

America struggles to this day with the reality that there is a striking contradiction at the heart of the founding of our country. The founding fathers and men and women who fought in the Revolutionary War (or War of Independence) stood for a nation that was free from economic exploitation, political domination and physical brutality, but the new country, notably the Constitution, supported the institution of slavery.

It is also true that the new nation did not give equal political rights to non-property owning White males, denying them (and women, of course) the right to vote. But the slavery of Black people was the most egregious form of oppression – and contradiction.


Even if the colonists had not fought the British for independence, there still would have been a contradiction among the Americans. Southern slaves would have continued to be slaves and many northern Black people would have continued to remain free. The founding fathers did not establish the institution of slavery. They perpetuated it.

Yet there was a second element to the historic contradiction. Moving to North America was not sufficient for the colonists to gain their independence (although it did grant them some freedom) Led by John Adams especially but also by Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, James Madison and James Monroe, the revolutionary generation fought a war to achieve freedom from the British crown – for certain people.

The contradiction at the heart of the new nation therefore had two aspects that were subtly related: a) For over 150 years the colonies, especially in the South, had people who were free and people who were enslaved; and b) fighting a war to achieve political and economic freedom from Great Britain was in contradiction with the concept of having some people remain unfree.

It was still an open question what kind of nation the colonists would create if they won the war. Indeed, there was a natural bias towards having a monarch in the new nation because all nations had monarchs. The colonists needed to achieve a major breakthrough in Philadelphia and craft a new system in which there would be a president, a Congress and a judicial branch, one admittedly modeled on the writings of Montesquieu in France and Locke in England. Moreover, they could have abolished slavery.

Instead, they chose to meld two contradictions – having a system of slavery in the first place, and fighting a war to achieve freedom while perpetuating slavery – together with a blacksmith's tools.

Perhaps the main point is that actually fighting the War of Independence deepened the contradiction of sustaining a society in which Southern Black people were slaves.

At the same time, the Southern colonies were not fighting the war to preserve slavery, as that was the chief motive for their role in the Civil War. But they did commit to joining the Northerners in 1776 only if slavery would be continued in the new country. And in 1787, the Southern states insisted that the three-fifth rule be included in the Constitution to ensure that they could use the presence of slaves in their individual states to increase their share of members of the House of Representatives.

The clarification of the contradiction at the heart of our nation does not mean we should disown our founding fathers – or our founding mothers. It means we should reach a better sense of national self-understanding about how the heroic actions of the founders led to the creation of a historically vital nation at the same time that it sustained much harm.


Read More

Why Aren’t There More Discharge Petitions?

illustration of US Capitol

AI generated image

Why Aren’t There More Discharge Petitions?

We’ve recently seen the power of a “discharge petition” regarding the Epstein files, and how it required only a few Republican signatures to force a vote on the House floor—despite efforts by the Trump administration and Congressional GOP leadership to keep the files sealed. Amazingly, we witnessed the power again with the vote to force House floor consideration on extending the Affordable Care Act (ACA) subsidies.

Why is it amazing? Because in the 21st century, fewer than a half-dozen discharge petitions have succeeded. And, three of those have been in the last few months. Most House members will go their entire careers without ever signing on to a discharge petition.

Keep ReadingShow less
U.S. Capitol.
As government shutdowns drag on, a novel idea emerges: use arbitration to break congressional gridlock and fix America’s broken budget process.
Getty Images, Douglas Rissing

Congress's productive 2025 (And don't let anyone tell you otherwise)

The media loves to tell you your government isn't working, even when it is. Don't let anyone tell you 2025 was an unproductive year for Congress. [Edit: To clarify, I don't mean the government is working for you.]

1,976 pages of new law

At 1,976 pages of new law enacted since President Trump took office, including an increase of the national debt limit by $4 trillion, any journalist telling you not much happened in Congress this year is sleeping on the job.

Keep ReadingShow less
Red elephants and blue donkeys

The ACA subsidy deadline reveals how Republican paralysis and loyalty-driven leadership are hollowing out Congress’s ability to govern.

Carol Yepes

Governing by Breakdown: The Cost of Congressional Paralysis

Picture a bridge with a clearly posted warning: without a routine maintenance fix, it will close. Engineers agree on the repair, but the construction crew in charge refuses to act. The problem is not that the fix is controversial or complex, but that making the repair might be seen as endorsing the bridge itself.

So, traffic keeps moving, the deadline approaches, and those responsible promise to revisit the issue “next year,” even as the risk of failure grows. The danger is that the bridge fails anyway, leaving everyone who depends on it to bear the cost of inaction.

Keep ReadingShow less
Who thinks Republicans will suffer in the 2026 midterms? Republican members of Congress

U.S. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson (R-LA); House Chamber at the U.S. Capitol on December 17, 2025,.

(Photo by Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images)

Who thinks Republicans will suffer in the 2026 midterms? Republican members of Congress

The midterm elections for Congress won’t take place until November, but already a record number of members have declared their intention not to run – a total of 43 in the House, plus 10 senators. Perhaps the most high-profile person to depart, Republican Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene of Georgia, announced her intention in November not just to retire but to resign from Congress entirely on Jan. 5 – a full year before her term was set to expire.

There are political dynamics that explain this rush to the exits, including frustrations with gridlock and President Donald Trump’s lackluster approval ratings, which could hurt Republicans at the ballot box.

Keep ReadingShow less