Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

A birthday gift for America

A Republic, if we can keep it: Part XXIV

Gift box with an American flag sticking out
Fernando Trabanco Fotografía/Getty Images

Breslin is the Joseph C. Palamountain Jr. Chair of Political Science at Skidmore College and author of “A Constitution for the Living: Imagining How Five Generations of Americans Would Rewrite the Nation’s Fundamental Law.”

This is the latest in “A Republic, if we can keep it,” a series to assist American citizens on the bumpy road ahead this election year. By highlighting components, principles and stories of the Constitution, Breslin hopes to remind us that the American political experiment remains, in the words of Alexander Hamilton, the “most interesting in the world.”

Coming together in shared purpose and mutual celebration is decidedly cheugy (meaning “uncool”… for those of us who are). Americans can hardly agree that 2+2=4 or that Taylor Swift is somewhat popular at the moment. To put it mildly, we are struggling to find common ground.


We have two years to get our act together. America’s semiquincentennial — it’s 250th birthday on July 4, 2026 — is a very big deal. It’s a time for rejoicing. The record of successful republics that have lasted this long is tragically short. Rome has a legitimate claim as history’s most eminent republic, but the United States, warts and all, is fast approaching GOAT status. That’s what makes our polarized, severely divided, deeply fissured present moment so dispiriting. We’re better than this, people.

Sign up for The Fulcrum newsletter

There is much to cheer about America’s unique story, just as there is much to jeer. Our commitment to the rule of law and to the power of an enduring written Constitution is inimitable. Our dedication to the principle of “unalienable rights,” the power of popular sovereignty, individualism, free will and so much more is unmatched in human history. By most measures, America is closer to “a more perfect union” today than at any other time in its long history.

Of course, the country and its people have a lot to be ashamed about, and we are still not a perfect union by any stretch. Economic disparities, bigotry, intolerance, inefficiency, corruption and the like still painfully afflict. Equality remains our most elusive aspiration. Opportunity vacillates based on the color of one’s skin, one’s gender identity, one’s socioeconomic status, one’s sexual orientation. The list is long. The trick, post-Jan. 6, is whether we can celebrate revolution without descending into it. Indeed, few have articulated the nation’s failures better than Rev. F. Willis Johnson, whose poignantly honest letter to America resounds.

But birthdays, especially ones as momentous as the semiquincentennial, are meant to be celebrated. Progress has been made since America’s bicentennial in 1976. To paraphrase a Virginia Slims ad from that same period, we’ve “come a long way, baby.”

Ella Grasso of Connecticut was the first woman officially elected governor of a state in 1975. Today there are 13 female governors occupying their state’s executive mansions.

Eighteen African Americans and five Latino representatives were elected to Congress in 1976. Today there are 133 lawmakers from traditionally marginalized racial groups, more than a quarter of the entire body.

The #MeToo movement has brought belated attention to the scourge of gender-based sexual harassment. In 1976, workplace predation was shamefully ignored. Today, an overwhelming majority applauds the closer scrutiny.

Progress in civil rights has been apparent, even if slow and spasmodic. In 1976, the Urban League released its first “State of Black America” report. It told a distressing tale. This year, the organization issued its 48th edition and the news is a bit more hopeful. “Doors [for Black people] have been opened, and new access has been achieved,” the report proclaims. “But the problem of full equality … is still elusive.” Truth. The problem of full equality for all those who haven’t ever experienced it remains regrettably elusive.

Progress has been measured in other areas as well — in the growth of the middle class, the innovation of American entrepreneurs, the commitment to renewable energy, etc.

We’re not yet there, though. Not even close. Plainly, we have yet to realize the true promise of a just, fair, free and equal America.

The time has come for something more. For a gift — a 250th birthday present that also amounts to a true reckoning, a long overdue and obviously owed gesture of apology when the nation finally confronts its shadowy past. I’m speaking here of reparations for the descendants of the brutally enslaved and the forcefully relocated. Start modest in the form of income tax relief for descendants of slavery. Then, over time, accelerate the initiative to reflect the NAACP’s proposal. It is time.

“Reparations — by which I mean the full acceptance of our collective biography and its consequences — is the price we must pay to see ourselves squarely,” Ta-Nehisi Coates said. He is right. He’s also brutally frank in insisting, “We must imagine a new country.” A new country that enters the next quarter millennium with a degree of modesty, a sense of humility, and still a deep well of pride and patriotism.

Regrets and reparations would go a long way towards achieving the lofty aspirations of our founding documents and the hope that, at last, we attain that more perfect Union. The celebration awaits.

Read More

Man holding an anti-abortion sign

The tangled threads of race, religion and power have long defined the anti-abortion movement.

Paul Hennessy/Anadolu via Getty Images

Abortion, race and the fracturing of the anti-abortion movement

Johnson is a United Methodist pastor, the author of "Holding Up Your Corner: Talking About Race in Your Community" and program director for the Bridge Alliance, which houses The Fulcrum.

The Supreme Court’s Dobbs decision sent shockwaves through the very soul of America, shattering the fragile peace that once existed around the issue of abortion. But amid this upheaval, a quiet reckoning is taking place within the anti-abortion movement itself — a reckoning that lays bare the tangled threads of race, religion and power that have long defined this struggle.

To truly understand this moment, we must first confront the roots of the anti-abortion movement as we know it today. It is a movement born mainly of the white evangelical Christian right, which found its voice in opposition to Roe v. Wade in the tumultuous decades of the 1970s and ‘80s. For many conservative evangelicals, the issue of abortion became a rallying cry, a bulwark against the perceived threats to traditional authority and values.

Keep ReadingShow less
Woman standing in front of a mural

Sindy Carballo-Garcia stands in front of a mural promoting education.

Beatrice M. Spadacini

More support is needed in schools, says Latina youth leader

Spadacini is a freelance journalist who writes about social justice and public health.

The Fulcrum presentsWe the People, a series elevating the voices and visibility of the persons most affected by the decisions of elected officials. In this installment, we explore the motivations of over 36 million eligible Latino voters as they prepare to make their voices heard in November.

The Arlandria neighborhood of Northern Virginia is located just a few miles southwest of the nation’s capital in a patch of land adjacent to the Potomac River, an area that was prone to frequent flooding in the 1960s and 1970s. The history of this diverse and resilient community is rooted in the struggles of the Civil War, Jim Crow and periodic land grabs by developers eager to profit from the never-ending supply of labor lured by government jobs.

Keep ReadingShow less
Couple lying in tall grass

As many as 50 million to 60 million Americans may have decided that they don’t want to have kids.

Peathegee Inc/Getty Images

Voters without kids are in the political spotlight – but they’re not all the same

Jennifer Neal is a professor of psychology at Michigan State University. Zachary Neal is an associate professor of psychology at Michigan State University.

In the 2024 election cycle, voters without children are under the microscope.

Republican vice presidential candidate JD Vance has said that “childless cat ladies” and older adults without kids are “sociopaths” who “don’t have a direct stake in this country.”

So it was notable that when pop star Taylor Swift endorsed Democratic presidential candidate Kamala Harris, she didn’t simply express her support and leave it at that. She also called herself a “childless cat lady.”

Keep ReadingShow less
"Diversity," "Equity" and "Inclusion" on wood blocks
Nora Carol Photography/Getty Images

DEI is worth saving if programs focus on expanding advantages

Myatt is the co-founder ofThe Equity Practice and a public voices fellow alumna through The OpEd Project.

DEI backlash is prolific. Many companies inspired to begin diversity, equity and inclusion work after the racial unrest of 2020 are pausing those same efforts in response to pushback from customers and employees.

The reasons for the pushback vary, but for many, DEI represents a threat to status and access to resources. These fears are not entirely unfounded. Some DEI strategies aim to “level the playing field” by eliminating what some see as unfair advantages.

Keep ReadingShow less