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From Papal Conclaves to Congressional Seats: Lessons for a Healthier Democracy

A weekly briefing on breakthrough reforms and promising practices from the front lines of democratic renewal

The Expand Democracy 5

The Expand Democracy 5

Welcome to the latest edition of The Expand Democracy 5 from Rob Richie and Eveline Dowling. This week they delve into: (1) productive conversations across the aisle; (2) evolving partisan views on press freedom; (3) increasing US House size; (4) learning from rules for papal elections; and (5) the week’s timely links

In keeping with The Fulcrum’s mission to share ideas that help to repair our democracy and make it live and work in our everyday lives, we intend to publish The Expand Democracy 5 in The Fulcrum each Friday.


If you want to suggest a pro-democracy idea for coverage in The Expand Democracy 5, please use the contact form at Expand Democracy.



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Bridging Divides: High-Profile Dialogues Across Ideological Lines⚡

In an era marked by deep political polarization, recent events highlight the value of efforts to foster dialogue across ideological divides - from citizens in their communities to our political leaders.These moments aren’t just about the interviews themselves; they raise a bigger question: What happens when politicians choose to engage outside their usual echo chambers?

Take former Transportation Secretary and Democratic presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg, who recently appeared on the Flagrant podcast, hosted by comedians Andrew Schulz and Akaash Singh. Flagrant is a self-described “unruly,” traditionally “anti-woke” podcast with a mostly male audience. Known for its bro-centric and often controversial content, this platform has previously featured figures like Donald Trump.

Buttigieg's nearly three-hour conversation drew praise for his openness to delve into topics ranging from political polarization to cultural divisions. “Mayor Pete” emphasized the importance of engaging with diverse viewpoints and criticized fellow Democrats for avoiding platforms like Flagrant, suggesting that such avoidance limits outreach and understanding. By the end of their conversation, it seemed as though he may have actually changed Schulz’s mind, with the host acknowledging the president’s lack of policy progress. Read Buttigieg's recap of the experience on his Substack.

Donald Trump draws understandable criticism for fostering division, but he also regularly goes out of his comfort zone – including speaking last year at conventions of the Libertarian Party and National Association of Black Journalists and bringing former Democrats Robert Kennedy Jr. and Tulsi Gabbard into his campaign and leadership team. In a surprising move, Trump last week granted an Oval Office interview to The Atlantic's editor-in-chief, Jeffrey Goldberg, despite their fraught history – Goldberg had published a 2020 article accusing Trump of disparaging U.S. war dead as "suckers" and recently drew widespread attention by recounting his story of being accidentally added to a Signal chat among Trump administration leaders debating and sharing plans about a bombing campaign in Yemen.

Trump’s interview with Goldberg, which also included journalists Ashley Parker and Michael Scherer, covered a range of topics, including Trump's views on executive power, foreign policy, and his approach to governance in his second term. Trump described the interview as a test to see if The Atlantic could provide fair coverage, stating he was doing it "out of curiosity."

What it signals - and what we can all do: These moments underscore a growing public appetite for leaders who don’t just perform for their base, but are willing to engage with people who may not already agree with them. In an age of algorithms and partisan media, there’s power (and risk) in crossing those lines. But it’s also where the work of democracy happens: in discomfort, disagreement, and dialogue. If more politicians were willing to take that step onto unfamiliar podcasts, into skeptical rooms, across ideological battle lines, we might start to rebuild trust not by demanding agreement, but by showing up to be heard and to listen.

But let’s not leave it just to politicians. There is a vibrant “bridging” community creating opportunities for dialogue where anyone can participate. Check out resources of the Bridge Alliance, and groups like Braver Angels and Living Room Conversations.

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Press Freedoms: A Partisan Flip Reflects Deeper Democratic Tensions

As we look at declining faith in democracy, elections and institutions in general, adapting to the modern media landscape is of fundamental importance to sustaining healthy, flourishing democracies. But it’s fair from simple. A recent Pew Research Center survey reveals a significant shift in American concerns about press freedoms, closely tied to the political landscape. In 2024, during the Biden administration, 47% of Republicans and Republican-leaning independents expressed high concern over potential restrictions on press freedoms, compared to 38% of Democrats and Democratic leaners. However, under the current Trump administration, these figures have reversed: 60% of Democrats now report high concern, while only 28% of Republicans share this sentiment.

This partisan reversal underscores how perceptions of press freedom are overly influenced by the party in power. The survey also indicates that individuals closely following news about the Trump administration are more likely to express concern about press freedoms. Among those paying close attention, 49% are extremely or very concerned, compared to 29% among those less engaged. The findings highlight the dynamic nature of public concern over press freedoms, reflecting broader tensions in democratic engagement and the importance of safeguarding journalistic independence across political divides.

Resources:

  • The Democracy Fund explains the ambitious goals of Press Forward, which is investing more than $500 million to strengthen communities and local news.
  • Wired provides an overview of its evaluation of the best podcasts. Cue lifts up 19 political podcasts.
  • iCivics has a longer-term vision of impact grounded in education.
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Rethinking Representation: Congress Considers House Size

Too often Americans assume that any election structure or rule in place for a generation or two was put in granite by our constitutional framers. Last week we talked about how the U.S. should not be fixed at 100 members from 50 states. Similarly, it’s high time to break the 115-year-old logjam of having 435 House Members. Before 1910, U.S. House size changed with every decennial census, but the lack of action that decade led to freezing growth even as our population has more than tripled.

A new bill introduced by Michigan’s Haley Stevens in the House of Representatives, H.R. 2797, proposes the establishment of a bipartisan commission to study the appropriate size of the House. The commission would be tasked with examining historical data, population trends, and comparative legislative structures to assess whether an increase in the number of representatives is warranted.

Proponents argue that revisiting the size of the House could enhance representation and ensure that each member serves a manageable number of constituents. Our Common Purpose, a project of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences, has excellent sources supporting its commission recommendation for a larger House. Supporters believe that a larger House could lead to more responsive governance, better reflect the diverse interests of the American populace and create new opportunities to modify winner-take-all congressional elections. Although critics caution about potential logistical challenges and increased costs associated with expanding the legislative body, the case for a more representative, responsive Congress is strong

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The Papal Conclave and Lessons for Voting💡

On May 7, Catholic cardinals from around the world will convene in the Sistine Chapel of the Vatican in Rome, with 133 eligible and expected to participate in voting for a new Pope in the wake of the death of Pope Francis. Picking a new Pope does not happen in regularly scheduled elections. Indeed the last papal conclave in 2013 was the first in the last 600 years not triggered by the death of a Pope. The Vatican needs to organize quickly a process that is done quickly, well, and according to clear rules. The 2024 movie Conclave had its predictable Hollywood twists, but did capture key elements of the process accurately.

With deliberations in secret and with cardinals casting secret ballots, the conclave is designed to balance respecting majority rule with seeking consensus. This month, the new Pope must earn the votes of at least two-thirds of cardinals casting ballots - with that super-majority requirement restored in 2007 after the Church under Pope John Paul II explored allowing a winner with more than half the votes in the event of a deadlock. This means the ultimate choice may not be one of these initial frontrunners, depending on the need for compromise to bring cardinals on board - and the general public will never know who almost was chosen.

When electing leaders, large populations of voters can’t devote days to voting repeatedly to pick a leader. Parliamentary guides like Robert’s Rules of Order urge groups small enough to convene in person to follow procedures in the spirit of the conclave, at least until a winner has a majority of at least 50%. But supermajorities in associations are common too. Indeed, the Democratic Party for much of its history at presidential conventions required winners to earn at least 60% of the vote from delegates – meaning that a presidential candidate could earn more than 50% of the vote on the first ballot and still lose if not able to more definitively unify the party. The 1924 Democratic convention required 103 ballots and 15 days to pick a nominee.

When having remote voters and certainly when having more voters, ranked choice voting – termed “preferential voting" in Robert’s Rules of Order in its recommendation of it as an alternative – is increasingly common. For example, all five national parties in Canada now pick their leaders with RCV, and countless organizations and students at more than 100 American colleges and universities use RCV. Don’t expect an RCV ballot in Rome next week - but its unifying impact will certainly be present in spirit as the cardinals choose a new Pope.

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pin_description="" caption="Cardinals participate in the fifth Novendiales Mass for Pope Francis" photo_credit="Daniel Iba\u00f1ez/CNA" photo_credit_src="https://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news/263787/live-updates-cardinals-gather-as-conclave-to-elect-successor-to-pope-francis"] Cardinals participate in the fifth Novendiales Mass for Pope Francis Daniel Ibañez/CNA


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Timely Links

We close The Expand Democracy 5 with notable links, including followups to recent topics.

  • FEC Loses Quorum, Halting Campaign Finance Enforcement: As of April 30th, the Federal Election Commission (FEC) lacks the minimum number of commissioners required to enforce campaign finance laws, following the resignation of a Republican commissioner and the earlier removal of Democratic Commissioner Ellen Weintraub. This absence of the quorum prevents the FEC from conducting investigations, issuing advisory opinions, or enforcing compliance, raising concerns about unchecked political spending in the upcoming election cycle.
  • Worries Mount as SCOTUS Eyes Final Pillar of VRA: The Supreme Court will decide whether private individuals and organizations can continue to bring lawsuits under Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act - the core provision that prohibits racial discrimination in voting. If the Court rules to limit or eliminate private enforcement, legal advocates fear it could effectively gut the last meaningful protection in the landmark civil rights law.
  • Trump’s First 100 Days: In Donald Trump’s second term, the first 100 days were marked by aggressive immigration enforcement, significant environmental policy reversals, and a record breaking use of executive powers. His administration focused on tough stances such as pardoning individuals involved in the Jan. 6 insurrection, and reintroduced tariffs that impacted the economy.
  • Upholding Democracy in Dark Times: Video of a Skoll World Forum speech by Rachel Kleinfeld, Senior Fellow, Democracy, Conflict and Governance Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
  • Why Congress is broken and how we can fix it: “Congress is broken. It has been polarized and unproductive for years, and it’s only getting worse… Why? Uncompetitive elections lead to unrepresentative outcomes. Most U.S. House members have little reason to care what most of their district’s voters think – they are nearly guaranteed to win re-election anyway.” See summaries of new reports from FairVote: Dubious Democracy 2024 and Monopoly Politics 2026.

  • Australia’s Federal Election: Australia's May 3rd federal elections present voters with stark choices. Labor's Anthony Albanese seeks re-election with a focus on modest reforms. The opposition Coalition's Peter Dutton proposes temporary tax cuts and a fuel rebate. Both parties face criticism for offering limited solutions to critical issues, which may lead to growing success for independents. Even as the major parties’ first choice vote declines, ranked choice voting (see FairVote’s helpful explainer) minimizes strategic voting and unrepresentative outcomes – with the Senate’s proportional form of RCV contributing to 57% of its seats being held by women.


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Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

General view of Galileo Ferraris Ex Nuclear Power Plant on February 3, 2024 in Trino Vercellese, Italy. The former "Galileo Ferraris" thermoelectric power plant was built between 1991 and 1997 and opened in 1998.

Getty Images, Stefano Guidi

Powering the Future: Comparing U.S. Nuclear Energy Growth to French and Chinese Nuclear Successes

With the rise of artificial intelligence and a rapidly growing need for data centers, the U.S. is looking to exponentially increase its domestic energy production. One potential route is through nuclear energy—a form of clean energy that comes from splitting atoms (fission) or joining them together (fusion). Nuclear energy generates energy around the clock, making it one of the most reliable forms of clean energy. However, the U.S. has seen a decrease in nuclear energy production over the past 60 years; despite receiving 64 percent of Americans’ support in 2024, the development of nuclear energy projects has become increasingly expensive and time-consuming. Conversely, nuclear energy has achieved significant success in countries like France and China, who have heavily invested in the technology.

In the U.S., nuclear plants represent less than one percent of power stations. Despite only having 94 of them, American nuclear power plants produce nearly 20 percent of all the country’s electricity. Nuclear reactors generate enough electricity to power over 70 million homes a year, which is equivalent to about 18 percent of the electricity grid. Furthermore, its ability to withstand extreme weather conditions is vital to its longevity in the face of rising climate change-related weather events. However, certain concerns remain regarding the history of nuclear accidents, the multi-billion dollar cost of nuclear power plants, and how long they take to build.

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a grid wall of shipping containers in USA flag colors

The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

Getty Images, J Studios

Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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With the focus on the voting posters, the people in the background of the photo sign up to vote.

Should the U.S. nationalize elections? A constitutional analysis of federalism, the Elections Clause, and the risks of centralized control over voting systems.

Getty Images, SDI Productions

Why Nationalizing Elections Threatens America’s Federalist Design

The Federalism Question: Why Nationalizing Elections Deserves Skepticism

The renewed push to nationalize American elections, presented as a necessary reform to ensure uniformity and fairness, deserves the same skepticism our founders directed toward concentrated federal power. The proposal, though well-intentioned, misunderstands both the constitutional architecture of our republic and the practical wisdom in decentralized governance.

The Constitutional Framework Matters

The Constitution grants states explicit authority over the "Times, Places and Manner" of holding elections, with Congress retaining only the power to "make or alter such Regulations." This was not an oversight by the framers; it was intentional design. The Tenth Amendment reinforces this principle: powers not delegated to the federal government remain with the states and the people. Advocates for nationalization often cite the Elections Clause as justification, but constitutional permission is not constitutional wisdom.

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U.S. Capitol

A shrinking deficit doesn’t mean fiscal health. CBO projections show rising debt, Social Security insolvency, and trillions added under the 2025 tax law.

Getty Images, Dmitry Vinogradov

The Deficit Mirage

The False Comfort of a Good Headline

A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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