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The Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office misused $163 million intended to address racial profiling reforms, according to a court-mandated audit.
Illustrations by Shoshana Gordon, ProPublica.
This Sheriff’s Office Says Racial Profiling Reforms Are Too Costly. Auditors Found It Misused $163 Million.
Jun 15, 2026
More than $7,000 in cable TV subscriptions.
An $11,000 golf cart.
$1.5 million in renovations to office space in a swanky Phoenix high-rise.
And another $1.7 million for Tasers.
Those were among more than $200 million in expenses that the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office billed to a class-action settlement aimed at rooting out racial profiling in the department.
A federal judge in 2013 found the department under then-Sheriff Joe Arpaio had violated the constitutional rights of Latino drivers, and the court has required sweeping reforms. These include documenting all traffic stops to detect patterns of racial bias, employing additional investigators to probe reports of deputy misconduct and appointing a monitor to oversee the settlement.
Since Sheriff Jerry Sheridan took office last year, he and Republicans on the county’s Board of Supervisors have cited the cost of complying with these orders to call for an end to the settlement of the case known as Melendres v. Arpaio — even as reviews of the department’s traffic stops continue to show racial disparities affecting Latino residents. The lingering disparities amplified Latino leaders and community members’ concerns as the second Trump administration has boosted local law enforcement’s involvement in its mass deportation campaign.
Maricopa County, home to more than half of Arizona’s population, has approved $353 million in spending related to the settlement since 2013. But an audit of the sheriff’s office spending ordered by the court and a review of the public ledger by Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica show millions of dollars went to expenses that had little or nothing to do with the settlement. (The audit focused on $226 million that the sheriff’s office charged to the settlement over a 10-year period; it didn’t examine legal and monitoring costs or the two most recent department budgets.)
The auditors, who were hired by the monitor, found that nearly 72% of the sheriff’s office spending was misattributed or misappropriated. For example, the full cost of some services and salaries was assigned to the settlement when those jobs were completely unrelated or only partially related to court orders. Only $63 million was appropriately charged to the settlement, they said.
Upon releasing its findings late last year, the two-member auditing team, led by an individual with decades of experience in public finance, noted that overstating the cost of the reforms undermines the court’s credibility. “This mischaracterization misleads the public on the cost of reform efforts and calls into question MCSO’s credibility, transparency, and truthfulness of its reporting,” they stated.
The financial ledgers detail many of these expenses, including more than $310,000 for travel and professional development. Among them are $1,261 for travel in 2020 to research buying a boat and swift-water rescue training — for deputies who work in the desert, $4,070 to train and test whether to buy a horse for the mounted unit in 2021 and $5,077 to attend National Police Week in Washington, D.C., in 2023.

The Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office billed $1,261 to train and research buying a rescue boat as part of a racial profiling settlement.
The audit concluded that the county Board of Supervisors, which approves the sheriff’s annual budgets, provided no “meaningful” oversight of its spending and had no process to verify if funds were being used appropriately to comply with court orders.
Indeed, as costs ballooned, the Board of Supervisors rarely questioned the expenses, Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica found based on a review of nearly a decade of public budget hearings.
The supervisors responded to the audit by telling U.S. District Judge G. Murray Snow that the reforms, and in particular the audit’s scrutiny of county spending, had far exceeded the original racial profiling complaints.
“Hispanic residents of Maricopa County concerned with racial profiling are unaffected by how the County and MCSO allocate costs,” the filing read. “Nor does any member of the Class experience a constitutional violation because MCSO purchased a golf cart.”
Snow’s 2013 ruling found deputies had relied on race to pull over Latino drivers during immigration actions, violating their rights to equal protection and against unreasonable seizures.
Attorneys for the county have filed a motion to end court oversight. That motion is pending.
“Digging into county finances and trying to minimize the cost of Melendres compliance is not just an insult to taxpayers, it’s beyond the federal court’s jurisdiction,” Republican supervisors Thomas Galvin and Kate Brophy McGee said in a November statement. “Nothing about our budgeting or accounting practices violates federal or state law. This is why we decline to participate in further arguments over compliance costs.”
Sheridan, whose tenure was not covered by the audit period, dismissed the findings and defended his department’s spending practices. The sheriff’s attorneys joined the motion to end court oversight.
The past two years, the Board of Supervisors have approved Sheridan’s budget request, billing an additional $72 million to the settlement.
The auditors, William Ansbrow and Eric Melancon, are barred by Snow from speaking publicly about their work.
Steve Gallardo, the lone Democrat on the five-member Board of Supervisors, has opposed ending court oversight of the sheriff’s office. He said the focus should remain on eliminating biased policing.
The sheriff’s office is above 90% compliance with the two major court orders, but Snow has yet to clear the department in two key areas: racial disparities in traffic stops and a backlog of uninvestigated misconduct claims against deputies.
“We should be having benchmarks in terms of, how do we get in full compliance,” Gallardo told Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica in April. “Others are going to say, ‘Well, they keep moving the goalpost.’ Well, let’s continue to move forward. I mean, that should be our overall goals: How do we get in full compliance with the Melendres case?”
The sheriff’s office did not respond to Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica’s questions about the spending.

The Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office expensed $5,077 to attend National Police Week in Washington, D.C., as part of a racial profiling settlement. An audit determined it had nothing to do with the settlement.
While the audit and county ledger showed spending that appeared unrelated to the court’s orders, they also showed spending spiraling on things the court had ordered.
In 2013, Snow required the sheriff’s office to purchase body cameras for patrol deputies and sergeants who conduct traffic stops. The audit found that the number of employees required to wear the cameras ranged from 434 in fiscal year 2023 to 513 in fiscal year 2021. Yet the department had purchased 950 cameras from Axon, a Scottsdale company, at a cost of $8.6 million. About $2.9 million of the spending “exceeded the Court’s requirements,” the audit found.
The sheriff’s office also purchased Tasers from Axon, bundled with the body cameras, and charged them to the settlement. The court had not required deputies to carry Tasers.
The sheriff’s office contended that buying the cameras separately would have been more costly. Even so, the audit found, the cost for Tasers — roughly $1.7 million — should have been charged to the department’s general fund instead of the settlement.
To operate body camera docking stations, the department purchased high-speed internet. But monthly invoices revealed that from fiscal years 2020 to 2024, the charges included cable television subscriptions, which were unrelated to the settlement, totaling $7,670.

The Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office expensed Tasers to a racial profiling settlement. An audit determined the purchase should have been charged to general funds instead.
Since 2016, Snow has required the sheriff’s office to house the Professional Standards Bureau, its internal disciplinary body, separately from its downtown Phoenix headquarters. The order was intended to encourage residents to report deputy misconduct after Snow found department leadership had routinely interfered in discipline of deputies. (Sheridan was Arpaio’s chief deputy at the time.)
To shuttle employees between headquarters and the standards bureau, the sheriff’s office purchased in June 2019 a golf cart valued at $11,800. At the same time, the department was also paying an average of $34,000 a year for additional parking at the bureau building to accommodate visitors and employees, according to the audit and county ledgers.
The sheriff’s office added to these costs in July 2024 by moving the bureau for a second time in less than a decade, the audit shows. The bureau now occupies two floors inside a premium midtown Phoenix high-rise, the court’s auditing team found, citing public real estate listings.
The department spent $1.5 million refurbishing the new offices, which auditors found was inappropriately charged to the settlement. The bureau had already been housed separately from department leadership, they noted. During a visit to the offices last year, a member of the audit team found that some of the space was empty and noted that the bureau could have been housed in “various unused publicly owned properties.”
The Professional Standards Bureau, the disciplinary body for the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office, bought an $11,000 golf cart to ferry employees from their office to headquarters. The expense was unjustified, according to a court-mandated audit of spending on racial profiling reforms.
Sheridan says the bulk of spending on the settlement goes toward staffing. Snow called for the creation of two divisions that enforce the court’s orders: the Court Implementation Division and the Bureau of Internal Oversight. The sheriff’s office also hired additional investigators for the Professional Standards Bureau, as it works to clear a backlog of 433 pending investigations.
“We went from having an internal investigation division with maybe 15 people to well over 50,” Sheridan told Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica. “You can see those costs right away.”
During a February town hall meeting, Sheridan criticized the audit and said the court had required the sheriff’s office to hire 25 sergeants. His chief financial officer said those positions cost about $3 million a year.
But the audit determined the sheriff’s office misused funds by charging unrelated or partially related staffing expenses to the settlement. It found that starting in fiscal year 2016, the department shifted the cost of the sergeant positions from general county funds to the settlement.
The audit determined that of the 209 positions charged to the settlement at the start of the 2025 fiscal year, only 55 could be reasonably attributed to Snow’s orders. Another 84 were “inappropriately attributed to Melendres,” while an additional 70 were partially related and should have been prorated to reflect the share of the work related to the settlement versus other duties.
Expenses related to these employees further exaggerated the cost of the settlement. The sheriff’s office charged $1.3 million to purchase 42 patrol vehicles for positions that the audit found were inappropriately attributed to court orders, including six vehicles for employees whose jobs had no connection to the case.
In May 2022, the sheriff’s office began to charge car washes to the Melendres fund for vehicles it purchased for new patrol supervisors. Deputies expensed $3,259 in car washes that were not justified under the court’s orders, according to the audit.
In all, the sheriff’s office misattributed to the settlement or inappropriately expensed about $144 million in personnel costs from 2014 to 2024, the audit determined.
The auditors concluded that the department continues to misattribute funds, citing accounting practices that remain in place. As a result, they warned, taxpayers could be on the hook for millions of dollars more that have nothing to do with rooting out racial profiling.
Galvin and Brophy McGee, two of the Republican supervisors, defended the county’s handling of its finances. “We stand by our budgeting practices and the 209 positions we created as a direct result of the Melendres Orders,” they said in November. “It would be a complete waste of taxpayer money to engage the federal courts in a back-and-forth over what is clearly an issue of local jurisdiction.”

The Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office charged $7,669 in cable television subscriptions to a racial profiling settlement. An audit determined those charged were not justified.
Before the audit was released in October, Republican supervisors were calling for an end to judicial oversight to protect the rights of Latino residents, claiming it had become too costly.
“It’s a huge expense to the Maricopa County taxpayers,” Supervisor Debbie Lesko told Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica in July. “It seems like it’s never-ending because the judge just changes; they put out a new order. They move the goalposts, and so we need to resolve this.”
Their attorneys argued in court that the Melendres lawsuit has been a success and the settlement was no longer needed.
The American Civil Liberties Union of Arizona, which joined the lawsuit in 2008, opposes ending oversight until the sheriff’s office is in full compliance with Snow’s orders. But it signaled a willingness to reduce monitoring of a few requirements that the department has complied with for at least three years.
At a January hearing, Snow said he was reluctant to allow the county to “use cost orders both as a sword and a shield and make statements to the public which may, in fact, be completely inaccurate.” He doesn’t intend to police supervisors’ speech, Snow said, but he could require the county to justify the costs.
Attorneys for the county and the sheriff’s office asked the judge for an opportunity to challenge the findings, which Snow approved. But they soon dropped it, citing the “unnecessary” cost of examining department spending.
Public finance experts said county boards have an obligation to taxpayers to ensure they can account for how each dollar is spent.
Zach Mohr, an associate professor at the University of Kansas who teaches public budgeting, accounting and financial management, reviewed the audit for Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica. He said that if the board disagrees with the findings, “the way to solve that would be to get another audit.”
Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica attempted to contact all current and former Maricopa County supervisors who had approved sheriff’s office spending during the case. Only Gallardo and one former supervisor agreed to comment.

The Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office inappropriately charged $4,070 to train and research buying a horse as a part of a racial profiling settlement, a court-required audit determined.
The news organizations’ review of past budget hearings showed supervisors had been more likely to probe spending during the early years of the settlement, as the county created infrastructure to implement reforms. In 2016, for example, Sheridan — then the department’s second-in-command — responded to a question about the court’s requirement to purchase body cameras for deputies, saying it was the sheriff’s office’s idea. “They’re more cutting-edge, and they’re more flexible. They travel with the deputies everywhere. And so it was our desire to do the body cameras,” he said at the time.
In later years, however, supervisors rarely questioned publicly how the sheriff’s office spent the money.
This year was different. Galvin asked the sheriff’s chief financial officer if their Melendres budget request for $36.5 million had been vetted. The officer said yes, adding that requests for the past 13 years were also vetted by the county budget office and state auditor.
Supervisor Mary Rose Wilcox, who served on the board from 1993 to 2014, was the lone Latina and Democrat during most of her tenure. She told Arizona Luminaria and ProPublica she objected to Arpaio’s spending and focus on immigration enforcement — which led to racial profiling, lawsuits and the settlement that continues today.
“The others really didn’t, and they found Melendres was way over the top. But they knew they had to comply.”
She recalled previous allegations of misspending by the sheriff’s office. In 2011, a county audit found the department used $100 million from jail funds to pay patrol deputies. At the time, Sheridan chalked it up to a bookkeeping error, referring to it as a “systems issue.”
The board approved an oversight resolution, adopting rules to prevent the problem from happening again. “Hopefully, this is a chapter in Maricopa County’s history that we close and we never see such an abuse of funds again,” Wilcox told The Arizona Republic in 2011.
This Sheriff’s Office Says Racial Profiling Reforms Are Too Costly. Auditors Found It Misused $163 Million. was originally published by ProPublica and is republished with permission. This article was produced for ProPublica’s Local Reporting Network in partnership with Arizona Luminaria.
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When the Connection Frays: Systems, Stroke, and Institutional Fragility
Jun 14, 2026
Three months ago, I had a stroke. Minor, as strokes go—my cognition is intact, my body largely functional. But something has changed in the wiring, and what I am observing in my own recovery has reframed how I think about institutional fragility and why complex systems fail where we least expect them to.
The Word I Cannot Find
Here is what a minor stroke actually feels like from the inside.
My brain knows the word. I can feel its shape, its weight, its approximate location in memory. But the automatic retrieval pathway—the one that ordinarily delivers language without effort—has been compromised. So I have to search manually. I have to consciously hunt through my own memory for something that used to arrive unbidden. The word exists. The system that holds it is intact. What has frayed is the connection between knowing and finding.
The same thing happens when I speak. My brain constructs the sentence correctly. But transmitting some words through my mouth can require more energy than it once did. Under that load, my brain takes the path of least resistance. It drops the middle syllable of a three-syllable word. It slurs across the hard consonants. It is not laziness—it is load-shedding. The system under strain quietly abandons precision to conserve the energy required to keep functioning at all.
What I am describing is not a broken brain. It is a brain whose internal transmission infrastructure has been partially disrupted. My organs are intact. But some connections are frayed.
The System of Systems
Engineers and systems analysts use a specific term for what I am experiencing: a system-of-systems failure. The human body is not a single mechanism but an intricate web of interdependent subsystems—neurological, muscular, cardiovascular, cognitive, linguistic—each capable of functioning independently, yet dependent on reliable pathways of communication with the others.
The critical insight is this: you can have fully functional components and still have a failing system. The failure lives in the connections, not the parts.
This is not a metaphor unique to neurology. It is a structural principle that appears across every complex system we have built—including the ones we depend on for democratic governance and national security.
The Intelligence We Already Had
On the morning of September 11, 2001, the United States government possessed the information it needed to disrupt the attacks. Not all of it, and not assembled into a clear operational picture—but the pieces were there, distributed across agencies that did not share them.
An FBI agent in Phoenix had warned in July 2001 of a possible coordinated effort to train terrorists in American flight schools. The memo never reached the relevant units before the attacks. The CIA had tracked two of the eventual hijackers internationally but failed to transfer that responsibility to the FBI once they entered the United States. The agencies were not broken. The connective pathways between them were.
The 9/11 Commission's central conclusion was not that American intelligence had failed to gather sufficient information. It was that the government had a weak system for processing and using what it already had. The culture of “need to know”—each agency guarding its own data—had severed the connections between fully functional intelligence components. The brain knew the word. It could not transmit it.
The Grid That Would Not Connect
In February 2021, Winter Storm Uri descended on Texas, exposing a vulnerability that engineers and regulators had identified years earlier but chosen not to fix. The Texas power grid—managed by ERCOT—had deliberately isolated itself from the two national interconnections that serve the rest of the continental United States. That isolation was politically protected: connecting to neighboring grids would have triggered federal regulatory oversight, which Texas had structured its energy market specifically to avoid.
When the storm hit, the consequences of that isolation became catastrophic. Natural gas wells lost power and stopped producing fuel, which meant power plants lost their fuel supply, which meant the grid lost generation capacity faster than demand could be shed. Electricity and gas had become mutually dependent in ways that created a negative feedback loop under stress. Within hours, forty percent of grid capacity went offline. ERCOT later determined the system had come within four minutes and thirty-seven seconds of a complete statewide blackout that could have taken weeks to restore.
What failed was not Texas’s power generation capacity. What failed was the connective architecture between systems—between gas supply and power generation, and between the Texas grid and the national transmission infrastructure that could have provided emergency backup. An MIT analysis later found that a properly interconnected Texas grid could have prevented roughly eighty percent of the blackouts during the storm.
The components were adequate. The connections were not.
What We Keep Getting Wrong
There is a pattern across these failures that mirrors what I observe in my own recovery. In each case, the components held under stress. The connections did not.
This is not a failure of awareness. It is a failure of priority. Connective frameworks exist for critical infrastructure— the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency and the National Association of Regulatory Utility Commissioners have both developed them. But funding, legislation, and reform consistently flow to the components: more agency capacity, more generation, more redundancy within individual systems. The pathways between systems get attention after catastrophic failure, generally not before.
In governance, connective frameworks exist but remain chronically underdeveloped and underfunded compared to the institutions they are meant to link. In each case, the most overlooked failure was not in the organ. It was in the nerve pathway.
Fixing the Connection, Not Just the Component
What is largely absent is an equivalent framework for governance and political institutions. We have after-action reviews and reorganization legislation. Rarely do we map the connective tissue between institutions, the transmission pathways that allow a functioning center to communicate coherently to its periphery.
Policymakers should stop diagnosing institutional failure at the agency level and start auditing the pathways between agencies—the information-sharing protocols, coordination mechanisms, and transmission infrastructure that connect them. Systems engineers and energy professionals should treat Texas as the canonical case study in interconnection failure, not generation failure. And civic reformers working on democratic resilience should ask not which institutions are failing, but where the transmission pathways between them have degraded beyond their design tolerance. In every domain, the intervention point is the same: the connection, not the component.
The Recovery
I expect to recover. The brain is a remarkable system—plastic, adaptive, capable of building new pathways around damaged ones. The middle syllables are coming back. The pathways are rebuilding.
But the recovery is not happening at the component level. The systems that were always intact—cognition, memory, intention—are not what needed repair. What needed repair were the transmission pathways between them. And that repair is slow and deliberate, requiring a different kind of attention than fixing a broken part.
In rehabilitation, you fix what is broken and rebuild what has frayed. The same logic applies to American institutions and critical infrastructure. Fix what is broken. And do not overlook the pathways. Tend to the connections.
Edward Saltzberg is the Executive Director of the Security and Sustainability Forum, writes The Stability Brief, and is a visiting scholar at George Washington University.
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"It's like I don't even have insurance," she told me from her hospital bed, asking when someone from financial assistance would be able to speak to her.
My patient was not an outlier. And if the current administration's approach to healthcare affordability scales nationally, I worry she may become the norm.
Congress has already allowed Affordable Care Act subsidies to expire and stepped back from meaningful healthcare legislation, causing over one million Americans to lose coverage since the beginning of the year. An additional 4 to 5 million are projected to lose coverage, priced out of insurance as subsidies dry up. That number will climb further as Medicaid cuts take effect. Facing pressure to address affordability, the Trump administration has turned to an old emergency lever: catastrophic health plans, a form of HDHP originally intended as a last resort for healthy adults under 30. This is a mistake.
Catastrophic plans weren't always the wrong answer. For healthy adults in their 20s—people who rarely see a doctor and need coverage primarily for worst-case scenarios—the tradeoff once made sense. But now the administration is proposing to make them available to Americans of all ages—and these plans were never designed for people in their 40s, 50s, and 60s managing chronic disease.
The evidence on HDHPs is clear. Enrollees are less likely to seek preventive care, less likely to manage chronic illness appropriately, and more likely to delay or forgo treatment altogether — even when that care is technically free. Under the ACA, preventive services must be covered without cost-sharing. Yet HDHP enrollees consistently use them less.
For many, this isn’t ignorance; it’s rational. While a screening test is free, the potential cascade of follow-up labs, specialist visits, and diagnostic tests will cost. When you must spend thousands before coverage kicks in, ignorance is bliss.
Consequences are heaviest for patients with chronic diseases. One in three people with conditions like diabetes or heart failure report skipping doses or not filling prescriptions because of cost. Employer-driven switches to HDHPs are associated with higher rates of preventable hospitalizations — the expensive crises that happen when manageable conditions go unmanaged. Without preventive care, our health system ends up paying more for worse outcomes.
Even when people do need care, as with my patient, many simply stay home. HDHP enrollees are nearly twice as likely to delay or forgo treatment due to cost. For low-income adults with chronic conditions, high-deductible plans drive medical debt, which remains one of the leading causes of personal bankruptcy in the United States.
Proponents of expanding HDHPs and catastrophic plans argue that when people pay more out of pocket, they become smarter healthcare consumers and shop for better prices, driving costs down system-wide. It's a nice theory, but the evidence doesn't support it.
When employers switch workers to HDHPs, overall spending does fall — by roughly 10 to 20 percent. But that reduction comes almost entirely from people using less care, not from people shopping more wisely. Studies find no evidence of meaningful price shopping even two years after employees switch to these plans.
Spending less is not the same as spending wisely. And unlike buying a car or a refrigerator, most patients lack the information and leverage to shop for healthcare in moments of need.
Expanding HDHPs is simply a way of dressing up a policy failure as a market solution. These plans are yet another example of shrinkflation: Americans are paying for health insurance but receiving less. Employers and insurers are offloading financial risk, employees are absorbing it, and patients with limited health insurance literacy are signing up believing they have real coverage — only to discover, at the worst possible moment, that they functionally do not.
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As campaign season accelerates and pressure to address affordability intensifies, HDHPs and catastrophic plans will be offered as the solution. Don't believe it. Expanding access to catastrophic plans doesn't solve the affordability crisis — it simply reshapes it, pushing financial risk onto the patients least equipped to carry it.
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Award categories include:
Best of Constituent Service
- Winning this category indicates outstanding attention to detail, empathy, and persistence in solving constituent requests.
Best of Constituent Experience in D.C.
- The winners of this category will have demonstrated outstanding hospitality, responsiveness, and dedication to creating a positive and meaningful experience for constituents on Capitol Hill.
Best of Constituent Correspondence & Engagement
- A winner in this category will have demonstrated excellence in transparency, responsiveness, and fostering an ongoing and open dialogue between elected officials and the communities they serve.
Best of Innovation & Modernization
- Whether through technology, workflows, or new procedural methods, this award showcases innovation that has driven meaningful improvements, making the congressional office more responsive, efficient, and modernized in its work.
Best of Bipartisan Collaboration
- The winners of this award will have shown that meaningful progress is possible through bipartisan cooperation and a shared commitment to effective governance.
Excellence in Congressional Management
- The winning offices in this category set the standard for leadership, best management and organizational practices, professional staff development, open communication and collaboration, as well as ensuring a positive experience for staff while achieving the office’s goals.
Chief of Staff of the Year
- Recipients of this award are highly effective team leaders who successfully navigate challenges, build a strong office culture, and ensure the smooth functioning of both legislative operations and constituent services. In addition, the recipients of this award work not just in service of their office, but in service to Congress, working to improve the institution to leave it better for future Members and staff than they found it.
Participation in the Democracy Awards reflects a belief that Congress can and should be a place of public service, operational excellence, innovation, and institutional stewardship.
The Democracy Awards program grew from CMF’s longstanding commitment to recognizing excellence across Capitol Hill. Before the Democracy Awards, there were the CMF Golden Mouse Awards, honoring congressional offices whose websites and social media presence went above and beyond to further transparency, accountability, and constituent service.
Over time, it became clear Congress needed a new kind of recognition, one that celebrated not only how offices communicate, but how they operate internally, serve constituents, manage teams, and strengthen the institution itself.
With that vision in mind, the Democracy Awards were launched in 2018 with the guidance of congressional staff, scholars, and former Members of Congress.
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Best Constituent Experience in D.C.
- Rep. Dusty Johnson (R-SD-AL)
- Rep. Seth Moulton (D-MA-06)
Best of Constituent Correspondence & Outreach
- Rep. August Pfluger (R-TX-11)
- Sen. Raphael Warnock (D-GA)
Best of Innovation & Modernization
- Rep. Stephanie Bice (R-OK-05)
- Sen. Brian Schatz (D-HI)
Best of Bipartisan Engagement & Collaboration
- Rep. Jay Obernolte (R-CA-23)
- Rep. Don Davis (D-NC-01)
Excellence in Congressional Management
- Rep. Richard Hudson (R-NC-09)
- Rep. Nikki Budzinski (D-IL-13)
“Too many times we hear the negative stories about Congress and Capitol Hill. And that's why CMF created the Democracy Awards, so that we shine light on all the good that’s happening,” said Jen Daulby, CEO of CMF, at the 2026 Democracy Awards Nominees Reception.
The 2026 Democracy Award winners will be announced this July.
David Nevins is the publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.
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