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Remembering the four chaplains eighty years later

Remembering the four chaplains eighty years later
MediaNews Group/Orange County Register via Getty Images

Rabbi Charles E. Savenor is the Executive Director of Civic Spirit, a national organization that provides training in civic education in Jewish, Catholic, Christian, and Islamic day schools.

With more American troops desperately needed to fight in Europe during World War II, the SS Dorchester left New York on January 23, 1943. Formerly a civilian ship, the Dorchester - like the 900 men onboard - was recruited for military service.


During the early morning hours of February 3rd, the German submarine U-223 fired on the Dorchester off Newfoundland. Exploding in the boiler room, this missile cut off the electricity and released thick clouds of gas and steam all over the ship. The immediate aftermath of the damage disoriented those onboard and paralyzed many with fear, thereby impeding their ability to head to the lifeboats. In fact, only two of the fourteen lifeboats were successfully utilized as soldiers and crew were directed to abandon ship. Many soldiers jumped into the freezing water and waited for rescue.

Along with the soldiers on the Dorchester were four military chaplains - a Catholic, a Jew, and two Protestants. Each embraced different faiths, yet they were united in their desire to serve their country. “The Four Chaplains” - George L. Fox, John P. Washington, Alexander D. Goode, and Clarke V. Poling – were all inspired by the attack at Pearl Harbor to enlist.

When the ship was attacked, these chaplains worked together to assuage the fears of those onboard and guide the men to safety, primarily to the lifeboats. In the smoky chaos aboard the Dorchester, countless men did not have their life jackets, forgetting them below deck. To address this obstacle, these clergymen found more and distributed them swiftly. When this supply of life jackets ran out, the four chaplains did not hesitate to take off theirs and give them away. We can only imagine that they grasped the implication of their actions.

As the Dorchester sank into the ocean, soldiers watched from afar as the four chaplains sat shoulder to shoulder and recited prayers. These four men could have made their way to safety, but chose to go down with the ship and the souls whom they pledged to protect, comfort, and inspire.

Nearly 700 people died in this deadly attack, regarded as one of the worst at-sea tragedies during the war. Each life taken - then and now - is a tragedy. And yet, the story of the four chaplains has been lifted up decade after decade because of their selfless bravery and unflinching commitment to God, country, and humanity.

The actions and attitude of the four chaplains reflect the highest values of civic education. The field of civics unfortunately took a back seat in American schools for the past few decades, which may help us understand why the story of the SS Dorchester resonates so deeply.

At a moment of deep division and polarization in America, Chaplains Fox, Washington, Goode, and Poling are more than fallen heroes in battle. Their selfless embrace of our shared civic responsibilities reminds us of the powerful potential within ourselves as stewards of our democracy.

Eighty years later, the four chaplains continue to inspire. Will we heed their call?


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
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