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Alternatives to Incarceration Work—We Just Have To Invest in Them
Jul 10, 2025
The U.S. prison system faces criticism for its failure to effectively rehabilitate incarcerated individuals, contributing to high recidivism rates. While some programs exist, they are often inadequate and lack sufficient resources, with many prisoners facing dangerous conditions and barriers to successful reintegration.
Alexis Tamm investigates, in a two-part series, the problems and responses to the significant obstacles recently released individuals face.
In Part 2, Alexis explores how a program is not only personally transformative for its participants, but it has the potential to fuel revolutionary change in how the U.S. addresses recidivism and reentry.
“We’re going to get people into careers they want—and stay with them until they can stand on their own,” Evie Litwok said of the Art of Tailoring in an interview with QNS. “What we’re doing is transformative.”
However, the program is not only personally transformative for its participants; it also has the potential to drive revolutionary change in how the U.S. addresses recidivism and reentry.
Along with personal impacts, the Art of Tailoring has large-scale economic benefits. While putting a student through the two-year program costs $12,500, detaining someone in Rikers Island costs $556,539 a year per person as of 2021—amounting to $1,525 a day. The same holds true for similar initiatives across the state; reentry and alternative-to-incarceration (ATI) programs save New York's correctional facilities more than $100 million a year. A 2016 study found an economic benefit of $3.46 to $5.54 for every dollar invested in such community-based programs.
Despite its benefits, Litwok is the first to admit that the Art of Tailoring cannot meet all the needs of its participants single-handedly. “For about $6,000 a year, for a total of two years, I can put somebody into business,” she said. “But that does not include stipends, and providing dinner, you know, providing a meal, or providing a metro card. This is the cost of teaching.”
System-impacted individuals often lack access to basic necessities such as food, shelter, and transportation—the very factors that frequently drive recidivism—and the Art of Tailoring can’t yet provide such assistance. “There are far more people who are in shelters that can be helped and should be helped with a support program. When you give out a grant to teach the Art of Tailoring, you also have to provide stipends to cover their expenses, including transportation and food. You can’t think straight if you’re hungry, and almost every person coming to that class is hungry,” Litwok said. “They have to miss a class if they’re working, they have to miss a class if they don’t have a metro card, they have to miss a class if they’re hungry and have to go somewhere to pick up food for themselves. So, without creating a safety net, you’re basically assuring the more privileged kids, who can get loans, are successful, and kids who have no money can’t be successful.”
While emphasizing the importance of vocational training, such as the Art of Tailoring, Litwok stresses that it can’t solve the problem alone. “If you can’t get the basic support of, in my opinion, stipends, food, and transportation covered, you can’t succeed.”
Like-minded organizations in NYC are striving to provide a wider array of necessities for the formerly incarcerated, such as The Fortune Society, a Queens-based nonprofit taking a holistic approach to reentry services and alternatives to incarceration. Similar to the Art of Tailoring, the Fortune Society’s Employment Services program offers specialized job training in areas such as culinary arts, sustainable construction and building maintenance, and transportation, as well as opportunities for short-term transitional work to gain employment experience. However, they also provide a range of services to address needs that such training may not cover, including transitional and long-term housing options, daily meals and nutrition education, connections to health services, and access to mental health and substance use treatment, among others. They proudly served 13,377 individuals in 2024, including nearly 600 participants enrolled in their employment training services and over 1,000 individuals to whom they provided housing, helping them rebuild successful lives after incarceration.
“We have demonstrated proof of concept in New York City that ATI and reentry services not only help people get out and stay out of jail and prison but also move on with their lives and support their families and communities,” Stanley Richards, President and CEO of the Fortune Society and formerly incarcerated individual himself, said in response to a 2024 report by the New York State Alternatives to Incarceration and Reentry Coalition.
More broadly, the benefits of such ATI programs are increasingly being recognized. New York State Senator Julia Salazar, Chair of the Committee on Crime Victims, Crime and Correction, is an advocate for prison reform and is currently fighting for the rights of incarcerated individuals. “If New York State has a duty to keep ALL its residents safe, we must end our reliance on incarceration as the solution to our social problems,” Salazar said in reaction to the same New York report. “On release, formerly incarcerated people are positioned at great socioeconomic disadvantage without supports in place to address their unique needs. We can end mass incarceration and keep our communities safe if we invest in proven programs and compassionate care.”
The Art of Tailoring’s students have already started to see success only a few months into the program, sporting their latest designs in their own fashion show at the Youth Pride Fest at Pier 76 on June 7th—one of the many events Witness is participating in this Pride Month to celebrate and garner support for the LGBTQ+ system-impacted community. Litwok and the organization were also honored at the SunnyPride celebration in Queens on June 13th for their anti-recidivism work, a testament to Witness’s dedication to its mission.
“On the one hand, you’re giving them something they can do, and if they can earn a living, they’ll never be in your system. It won’t reduce recidivism, it will eliminate recidivism,” Litwok said of system-impacted individuals. “On the other hand, if you send a kid to Rikers for some minor thing or any reason, you’re going to damage them for life. So, which option do you like?”
SUGGESTION: Reducing Recidivism, One System-Impacted Entrepreneur at a Time
a long hallway with a bunch of lockers in it Photo by Matthew Ansley on Unsplash
Alexis Tamm is a senior at Georgetown University. An avid writer and aspiring journalist, she is passionate about solutions-focused reporting and driving change through storytelling.
Alexis was a cohort member in Common Ground USA's Journalism program, where Hugo Balta served as an instructor. Balta is the executive editor of the Fulcrum and the publisher of the Latino News Network.
The Fulcrum is committed to nurturing the next generation of journalists. Learn more by clicking HERE.
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Just the Facts: Supreme Court Ruling in Trump v. CASA Narrows Judicial Power, Reshapes Legal Landscape
Jul 09, 2025
The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.
The Supreme Court’s recent decision in Trump v. CASA marks a significant shift in the balance of power between the executive and judicial branches—particularly in how federal courts can respond to presidential actions.
In a 6–3 ruling along ideological lines, the Court held that federal district courts lack the authority to issue universal (or nationwide) injunctions—orders that block a federal policy or executive action from being enforced against anyone beyond the plaintiffs in a given case. Instead, the Court concluded that lower courts may only grant relief sufficient to provide “complete relief” to the parties before them.
What the Ruling Means in Practice
- Individuals or organizations seeking to challenge a presidential order must now sue individually or as part of a certified class action.
- Courts can no longer issue sweeping injunctions that halt a federal policy nationwide while litigation proceeds.
Implications for Presidential Power
The decision effectively narrows one of the judiciary’s most powerful tools for checking executive authority. As a result:
- Presidents may implement contested policies more freely, even while those policies are under legal challenge.
- Legal opposition will likely become more fragmented and slower, requiring coordinated lawsuits across multiple jurisdictions.
- The precedent applies to future administrations as well, regardless of party, potentially expanding the scope of executive action without immediate nationwide judicial constraint.
Impact on Birthright Citizenship
The Court did not address the constitutionality of President Trump’s executive order seeking to end birthright citizenship. That issue remains unresolved and will continue to be litigated in lower courts.
Broader Constitutional Questions
The ruling has sparked debate over the judiciary’s role as a co-equal branch of government. In her dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor warned that the decision could allow presidents to enforce potentially unconstitutional policies while legal challenges are still pending, thereby weakening the courts’ ability to provide timely relief.
Context: A Long Arc of Expanding Executive Power
The CASA decision fits within a broader historical trend of increasing presidential authority. However, it stands out as a judicially sanctioned limitation on the courts themselves—altering the structural balance of power.
Era | Key Developments | Impact |
Jacksonian Era (1820s–40s) | Asserted strong executive leadership, vetoed the national bank | Sparked fears of “King Andrew I” authoritarianism |
Lincoln (1860s) | Suspended habeas corpus during the Civil War | Set the precedent for emergency powers |
FDR (1930s–40s) | New Deal programs via executive orders | Expanded federal and executive authority dramatically |
Post-WWII Presidents | Truman entered the Korean War without Congress; Eisenhower used CIA covertly | Cemented the president as a foreign policy leader |
Post-9/11 Era | Bush expanded surveillance and war powers | The Patriot Act and unitary executive theory gained traction |
Trump Era | Frequent use of executive orders, challenged norms | Pushed boundaries on immigration and emergency declarations |
Unlike previous expansions that increased executive tools, the CASA ruling limits the judiciary’s ability to respond—marking a structural shift in the separation of powers.
Implications for Future Litigation Strategies
The decision is prompting a strategic recalibration among civil rights groups, democracy reform advocates, and public interest litigators. Key shifts include:
- A move away from reliance on single-district court rulings to block federal policies nationwide.
- Increased use of class action lawsuits to achieve broader relief, though these efforts are often more complex and time-consuming.
- Greater emphasis on coordinated, multi-jurisdictional legal strategies to build momentum across the courts.
In response, coalitions such as Democracy 2025 are developing legal infrastructure to meet this challenge, including rapid-response teams and pooled legal resources.
Legal scholars and institutions are also weighing in. Just Security, a nonpartisan law and policy forum, has published a detailed analysis outlining alternative legal pathways to achieve broader relief in the post-CASA landscape.
Strategic Takeaway
While the CASA ruling does not expand executive power directly, it reshapes the legal terrain on which executive authority is contested. For those working to uphold democratic accountability, the decision underscores the need for:
- Distributed legal strategies across jurisdictions
- Narrative framing that connects legal challenges to democratic principles
- Collaborative infrastructure that integrates litigation, civic engagement, and public education
As the legal and civic sectors adapt, the ruling may serve as a catalyst for new forms of democratic resilience—rooted not only in the courts but in the broader ecosystem of public accountability.
David Nevins is co-publisher of The Fulcrum and co-founder and board chairman of the Bridge Alliance Education Fund.Keep ReadingShow less
People draped in an American flag and a Ukrainian flag join a march toward the United Nations.
Alexi Rosenfeld/Getty Images
Don’t Abandon Ukraine: How American Ukrainians, Poles, and Others Can Still Change the Outcome
Jul 09, 2025
Is there anyone who truly believes Donald Trump’s actions are helping Ukraine? And is there anything any of us can do about it?
Trump just halted the delivery of previously committed air defense systems and artillery ammunition, after refusing to authorize new U.S. support. Despite talk of wanting peace, he’s given Vladimir Putin far more leverage both on the battlefield and at the negotiating table. Ukraine may still prevail with courage, persistence, creativity, and increased European support. But Trump’s abandonment emboldens Putin and makes the Ukrainian situation far harder, even as the war-burdened Russian economy faces 20% interest rates, 10% inflation, and key labor shortages.
Those of us who want to stand with Ukraine aren’t powerless, though. Imagine if Ukrainian Americans organized a national day of rallies—calling on Trump to support Ukraine, not Putin. These demonstrations should be led by Ukrainian Americans, whose families and futures are most directly affected. But they could also prominently engage other Eastern European communities—Polish, Latvian, Finnish, and others—whose homelands are also threatened by Russian aggression, and who recognize that Ukrainians are fighting both for them and for everyone who believes in democracy.
These communities bring powerful stories, deep networks, and shared stakes in the outcome. Demonstration organizers should invite them to speak, co-create messaging, and amplify the call across media and social platforms. Broader outreach—such as to the networks that mobilized an estimated five million people for No Kings Day—could expand the size and impact. But the core message should remain rooted in the voices of those on the front lines of this geopolitical struggle.
The slogans can be simple and direct: Don't Abandon Ukraine. Stand Against Putin. Stand with Democracy. The goal would be to pressure once-supportive Republicans to break their silence and restore at least baseline levels of aid. It would be about making the political cost of inaction too high to ignore.
These rallies would also send a message to Trump himself—who veers between posting “Vladimir, Stop” on Truth Social and lamenting Russia’s expulsion from the G8 after its 2014 Crimea seizure. Before the election, he promised to end the war in 24 hours. In April, he abruptly froze shipments of key weapons—including Patriot missiles and precision-guided munitions, blindsiding Congress, the State Department, and European allies. In June, Trump met with Zelenskyy and expressed openness to resuming Patriot missile deliveries and seemed open to Ukrainian arms purchases—but no firm commitments followed. So he may be susceptible to pressure.
Could these rallies and marches make a difference? Absolutely. Ukrainian and other Eastern European communities have historically leaned Republican, giving them unique leverage. When economic interests have pressured Trump, he’s reversed course on tariffs and on immigration raids targeting farmworkers and hotel workers. Nixon-era anti-Vietnam demonstrations helped halt bombing raids and accelerated troop withdrawals—even as Nixon claimed they had no effect.
There are no guarantees. But coordinated, visible action could help put Ukraine—and Trump’s enabling of Putin—back on the national radar. At the very least, it would give Ukrainians and their allies a way to speak out while the fate of their country hangs in the balance. Hope alone is not a strategy. But when people organize with a common voice, they never know what they might achieve.
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assorted notepads
Photo by Patrick Perkins on Unsplash
From Vision to Action: Remaking the World Through Social Entrepreneurship
Jul 09, 2025
Social entrepreneur John Marks developed a set of eleven working principles that have become his modus operandi and provide the basic framework for his new book, “From Vision to Action: Remaking the World Through Social Entrepreneurship," from which a series of three articles is adapted. While Marks applied these principles in nonprofit work, he says they are also applicable to social enterprises—and to life, in general.
PART TWO
PRINCIPLE #4: KEEP SHOWING UP. It has been said that 80 percent of success in life is showing up. For social entrepreneurs, this means continuing to stay engaged without dabbling or parachuting. Like a child’s toy windup truck that moves forward until it hits an obstacle and then backs off and finds another way forward, social entrepreneurs should be persistent—and adept at finding work-arounds. They must be willing to commit for the long term. I found that this was particularly important when working with Iranians, who tend to view the world in terms of centuries and millennia.
Starting in 1996, Search for Common Ground, the non-governmental organization I founded and led, sponsored a series of highly confidential meetings between prominent, non-official Americans and Iranians. We were still at it 13 years later when we had amassed sufficient contacts and credibility to make a substantial difference in the relationship between the two countries. Notably, shortly after Barack Obama’s inauguration as President, we held unofficial meetings in Europe and New York between former U.S. Secretary of Defense William Perry and Ali Akbar Salehi, then the head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization. Both men had access to top-level officials. We never learned specifically what Salehi reported to Iranian policymakers, but we heard directly from Perry that, as a result of these sessions, he personally told President Obama that nuclear agreements between the two countries were possible. This was apparently a key step in moving the United States toward nuclear talks with Iran.
Even after Search became a multilayered organization with hundreds of employees, I personally stayed engaged in the details of our Iran work. I knew that management experts would advise me, as head of a relatively large organization, to delegate the operation of such a project. Regardless, direct involvement helped me avoid being crushed by administrative demands. I absolutely loved being able to shut my office door; put aside questions of finance and logistics; and game-plan how to improve US-Iran relations. Indeed, I would advise all social entrepreneurs to retain some hands-on functions.
PRINCIPLE #5: ENROLL CREDIBLE SUPPORTERS. Social entrepreneurs, by definition, operate outside the proverbial box. Thus, they are often perceived as fringe players, and they should strive to project credibility. To that end, having prominent backers, while not indispensable, can be helpful. Credibility is best established by consistently delivering high-quality work. However, social entrepreneurs can increase their odds in favor by borrowing credibility from prestigious individuals. At the same time, social entrepreneurs should be cautious about bringing in outsiders who are not aligned with their vision. Particularly perilous are individuals with strong minds and time on their hands. As the head of another nonprofit warned me about prospective board members, “Be sure to stay away from people who don’t have enough to do.”
PRINCIPLE #6: EXPECT THE UNEXPECTED. Social entrepreneurs must be prepared to deal with high levels of uncertainty. If they find it distressing not to know the outcome and cannot deal well with the unexpected, they should probably consider a different career choice.
Social entrepreneurs frequently intervene in complex situations and systems, often encountering unanticipated problems. Even when they do thorough research and ask all the questions they think are relevant, issues are likely to emerge that should have been considered but were not – because they didn’t know that they didn’t know. The only defense is to realize, in the words of former Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, that there are going to be “unknown unknowns.” Social entrepreneurs need to be agile enough to minimize damage when these inevitable challenges arise.
For instance, just as we at Search and our partners at Children’s Television Network (makers of Sesame Street) were about to start production in Macedonia of a children’s TV series to encourage inter-ethnic cooperation, unanticipated armed violence broke out in neighboring Kosovo. As a result, Macedonian state TV reneged on its agreement to provide us with production facilities and broadcast our series. Obviously, an unforeseen event like the war in Kosovo could have been a disaster for us, but we did not give up. We were sufficiently nimble to build a soundstage in an empty warehouse and to cobble together a network of independent TV stations. Nevertheless, things certainly would have been easier if we had had in place a Plan B. But we didn’t know that we didn’t know.
(Picture: Macedonian and Albanian boys appear in Search's TV Production)
PRINCIPLE #7: MAKE YESABLE PROPOSITIONS. As Roger Fisher and William Ury wrote in their seminal book, Getting to Yes, it is desirable to make proposals to which others say “yes” and which are both in their interest and that of the other party. The concept of a yesable proposition is so straightforward that many people dismiss it as childish. Nevertheless, when someone—whether a child or an adult—internalizes this idea, the results can be life-changing.
A prime example of how we at Search put yesable propositions into play occurred in the Democratic Republic of the Congo—a country which had become known as the rape capital of the world. Many, if not most, Congolese soldiers acted from the mistaken belief that females were a rightful part of war plunder. Our country director, Lena Slachmuijlder, was able to convince the leadership of the Congolese military to implement a training program to change soldiers' attitudes and behaviors toward abusing women. Our methodology included sensitization training, radio and video programs, participatory theater, and instructional comic books. Whenever possible, we included soldiers’ wives in our trainings. Many wives suffered from both spousal abuse and the stigma of being married to military men, whom the general population often held in low esteem. We ultimately provided training to virtually the entire Congolese army—more than 100,000 soldiers.
When I asked Lena how she was able to get the DRC military to say “yes” to our groundbreaking initiative, she said she took advantage of the fact that outsiders had regularly condemned the Congolese Army due to its predatory behavior. Faced with a steady stream of criticism, the army usually reacted with defensiveness and denial. To her credit, Lena recognized that there were people inside the ranks who wanted things to change, and she made a decision to work with the army—not to accuse it—even if a large number of soldiers were guilty of horrible crimes. As Lena put it, “I didn’t need to denounce the soldiers – nor would it have helped.
The remaining four principles of social entrepreneurship will be described in the next and final excerpt from the book, “From Vision to Action: Remaking the World Through Social Entrepreneurship.”
In addition to founding and heading Search for Common Ground, John Marks is a NY Times best-selling and award-winning author, who most recently started the Pro Bono Litigation Corps in partnership with Gary DiBianco under the auspices of Lawyers for Good Government.
Part 3
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