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United States border control complications: A symptom of global human rights failures

United States border control complications: A symptom of global human rights failures

Migrants waiting at the U.S.-Mexico border, January 2023

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Leland R. Beaumont is an independent wisdom researcher who is seeking real good. He is currently developing the Applied Wisdom curriculum on Wikiversity.

Introduction


The United States, as a nation built by immigrants, has historically been a symbol of hope and opportunity for people seeking a better life. However, in recent times, the difficulties faced by the U.S. border control system have become a glaring indication of the failure to advance human rights worldwide. This essay delves into the various ways in which the challenges at the U.S. borders reflect the broader global failure to protect and promote human rights.

Escalating Migration and Asylum Crisis

The rising number of migrants and asylum-seekers attempting to enter the United States is a clear manifestation of the global human rights crisis. Individuals and families fleeing persecution, violence, and poverty in their home countries embark on perilous journeys in search of safety and dignity. The inability of their countries of origin to protect their basic human rights compels them to take extreme measures to secure a better future, often leading them to face harsh conditions at the U.S. borders.

Exploitation by Human Traffickers

Human trafficking, one of the gravest violations of human rights, thrives in regions with weak governance and lack of opportunities. Many migrants attempting to cross U.S. borders fall victim to human traffickers, who exploit their vulnerabilities and subject them to various forms of abuse and modern-day slavery. This crisis is a stark reminder of the global failure to combat trafficking and protect the rights of the most vulnerable populations.

Family Separation and Detention

The controversial practice of family separation and detention at the U.S. borders has garnered widespread condemnation, drawing attention to the impact of policies on human rights. The separation of children from their parents underlines the failure of governments worldwide to uphold the rights of families and children, especially those displaced by conflict and persecution.

Lack of Access to Asylum

The stringent immigration policies and limited access to asylum in the United States reflect the broader failure of the international community to provide safe havens for refugees. Many asylum-seekers are denied the opportunity to claim protection, leaving them exposed to further risks and human rights abuses.

Inadequate Support for Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs)

Apart from those attempting to cross the U.S. borders, millions of people are internally displaced within their own countries due to conflicts, disasters, and human rights abuses. The inability of the international community to provide adequate support and protection for these IDPs exacerbates global human rights challenges.

Economic Inequalities and Lack of Opportunities

Economic inequalities and lack of opportunities in many regions contribute to the desperate quest for a better life in the United States and other developed countries. The failure to address global poverty and ensure equitable economic development perpetuates a cycle of migration driven by the pursuit of basic human rights such as food, shelter, and education.

Conclusion

The difficulties faced by the U.S. border control system serve as a stark reminder of the broader failure to advance human rights worldwide. Escalating migration and asylum crises, exploitation by human traffickers, family separation and detention, limited access to asylum, inadequate support for internally displaced persons, and economic inequalities all underscore the pressing need for greater global cooperation and commitment to human rights.

Addressing these challenges requires concerted efforts from governments, international organizations, and civil society. Advancing human rights worldwide demands comprehensive strategies to address the root causes of migration, promote equitable economic development, strengthen protections for vulnerable populations, combat human trafficking, and ensure that the rights and dignity of all individuals are upheld.

Only through collective action and a commitment to human rights as a universal value can we effectively address the difficulties at U.S. borders and build a more just and compassionate world for all.

This essay was written by ChatGPT responding to the prompt, “Write an essay describing the many ways that United States border control difficulties are symptoms of a failure to advance human rights worldwide”


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The Supreme Court ruled presidents cannot impose tariffs under IEEPA, reaffirming Congress’ exclusive taxing power. Here’s what remains legal under Sections 122, 232, 301, and 201.

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Just the Facts: What Presidents Can’t Do on Tariffs Now

The Fulcrum strives to approach news stories with an open mind and skepticism, striving to present our readers with a broad spectrum of viewpoints through diligent research and critical thinking. As best we can, remove personal bias from our reporting and seek a variety of perspectives in both our news gathering and selection of opinion pieces. However, before our readers can analyze varying viewpoints, they must have the facts.


What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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A mirage can look real from a distance. The closer you get, the less substance you find. That is increasingly how Washington talks about the federal deficit.

Every few months, Congress and the president highlight a deficit number that appears to signal improvement. The difficult conversation about the nation’s fiscal trajectory fades into the background. But a shrinking deficit is not necessarily a sign of fiscal health. It measures one year’s gap between revenue and spending. It says little about the long-term obligations accumulating beneath the surface.

The Congressional Budget Office recently confirmed that the annual deficit narrowed. In the same report, however, it noted that federal debt held by the public now stands at nearly 100 percent of GDP. That figure reflects the accumulated stock of borrowing, not just this year’s flow. It is the trajectory of that stock, and not a single-year deficit figure, that will determine the country’s fiscal future.

What the Deficit Doesn’t Show

The deficit is politically attractive because it is simple and headline-friendly. It appears manageable on paper. Both parties have invoked it selectively for decades, celebrating short-term improvements while downplaying long-term drift. But the deeper fiscal story lies elsewhere.

Social Security, Medicare, and interest on the debt now account for roughly half of federal outlays, and their share rises automatically each year. These commitments do not pause for election cycles. They grow with demographics, health costs, and compounding interest.

According to the CBO, those three categories will consume 58 cents of every federal dollar by 2035. Social Security’s trust fund is projected to be depleted by 2033, triggering an automatic benefit reduction of roughly 21 percent unless Congress intervenes. Federal debt held by the public is projected to reach 118 percent of GDP by that same year. A favorable monthly deficit report does not alter any of these structural realities. These projections come from the same nonpartisan budget office lawmakers routinely cite when it supports their position.

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Americans are watching a government that seems to have lost its balance. Decisions shift by the hour, explanations contradict one another, and the nation is left reacting to confusion rather than being guided by clarity. Leadership requires focus, discipline, and the courage to make deliberate, informed decisions — even when they are not politically convenient. Yet what we are witnessing instead is haphazard decision‑making, secrecy, and instability.

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