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Get to your mailboxes right now, Supreme Court tells procrastinators in Wisconsin

Wisconsin voter

Wisconsin voters have been advised to vote in person if they do not get their ballots in the mail today.

Kamil Krzaczynski/Getty Images

Wisconsinites with ballots sitting on their kitchen tables have received the same message now from two of Washington's most influential institutions, the Supreme Court and the Postal Service: Complete them and get them in the mail right away. As in, Tuesday.

USPS long ago set this day as the best-practices cutoff for mailing an absentee ballot with confidence it would arrive by Election Day. The warning took on special urgency Monday in one of the top presidential battlegrounds, when the high court voted 5-3 against Wisconsin accepting any mailed ballots arriving after the polls close a week from now.

The decision was the last in an election law dispute before Justice Amy Coney Barrett was confirmed and sworn in Monday night. She can now participate in the appeals of ballot receipt extensions in two other tossups, Pennsylvania and North Carolina.


Wisconsin estimates that, while 1.1 million people have already voted by mail, 670,000 more packets have been delivered but not returned. Those people can now hope for decent mail service or go vote in person. Their number is 30 times more than President Trump's margin in carrying the state's 10 electoral votes four years ago. Former Vice President Joe Biden has a narrow polling lead now.

A federal judge last month ordered Wisconsin to count ballots delayed in the mail as long as six days so long as they were postmarked by Nov. 3, describing that as a reasonable accommodation while the coronavirus has made logistics difficult for both the electorate and the post office.

The Supreme Court put a stop to that order at the request of Republicans, with the justices named by GOP presidents in the majority and those named by Democrats in dissent.

"We're dialing up a huge voter education campaign," state Democratic Party Chairman Ben Wikler said on Twitter after the decision was announced..

Just a few minutes after the ruling came out, Trump pressed anew his almost entirely fact-free assault on the integrity of an election that will be more reliant on mailed votes than ever before.

"Big problems and discrepancies with Mail In Ballots all over the USA. Must have final total on November 3rd," he tweeted without any evidence — and overlooking the fact that many states have already said that counting close contests will take several days. (Twitter labeled the post "disputed," saying it "might be misleading about how to participate in an election or another civic process.")

Justice Brett Kavanbaugh, put on the bench by Trump two years ago, used his Monday opinion to offer a sort of buttoned-up echo of what the president has been hammering at.

"States want to avoid the chaos and suspicions of impropriety that can ensue if thousands of absentee ballots flow in after Election Day and potentially flip the results of an election," he wrote. "States also want to be able to definitively announce the results of the election on election night, or as soon as possible thereafter."

If they are similarly successful, the next two GOP appeals to the high court would help Trump get some of the certainty he says he wants next week.

The law in North Carolina, with 15 electoral votes, already says ballots are valid if they arrive three days late, but the party is hoping to block an additional six-day extension ordered by the state Board of Elections and backed by a federal appeals court last week.

Also last week, the Supreme Court itself allowed Pennsylvania (with 20 electoral votes) to keep a three-day extension ordered by the state's top court, because the justices deadlocked 4-4 on whether to block it. Barett's vote would tip the scales in the fresh appeal.

In that case, Chief Justice John Roberts joined the court's liberals — which he did not do Monday. In a brief opinion, he said the Pennsylvania extension was decided by state courts citing state law while the Wisconsin extension was decreed by a federal judge applying federal law, which the court has said several times this year should happen sparingly in disputes shaping election rules.

"No one doubts that conducting a national election amid a pandemic poses serious challenges," Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote in reiterating that view Monday. "But none of that means individual judges may improvise with their own election rules in place of those the people's representatives have adopted."

The court's first ruling in a 2020 elections procedure case concerned voting by mail in Wisconsin's April primary, during the first Covid-19 surge. The justices rejected a postmark extension ordered by a lower court but did not touch a similar six-day extension for the arrival of ballots — mainly because the appeal did not seek to reverse that part of the judge's ruling. As a result, about 80,000 ballots (or 5 percent of the total) were tabulated even though they arrived after primary day.


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What Is No Longer Legal After the Supreme Court Ruling

  • Presidents may not impose tariffs under the International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA). The Court held that IEEPA’s authority to “regulate … importation” does not include the power to levy tariffs. Because tariffs are taxes, and taxing power belongs to Congress, the statute’s broad language cannot be stretched to authorize duties.
  • Presidents may not use emergency declarations to create open‑ended, unlimited, or global tariff regimes. The administration’s claim that IEEPA permitted tariffs of unlimited amount, duration, and scope was rejected outright. The Court reaffirmed that presidents have no inherent peacetime authority to impose tariffs without specific congressional delegation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • The president may not use vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language—such as IEEPA’s general power to “regulate”—cannot be stretched to authorize taxation.
  • Customs and Border Protection may not collect any duties imposed solely under IEEPA. Any tariff justified only by IEEPA must cease immediately. CBP cannot apply or enforce duties that lack a valid statutory basis.
  • Presidents may not rely on vague statutory language to claim tariff authority. The Court stressed that when Congress delegates tariff power, it does so explicitly and with strict limits. Broad or ambiguous language, such as IEEPA’s general power to "regulate," cannot be stretched to authorize taxation or repurposed to justify tariffs. The decision in United States v. XYZ (2024) confirms that only express and well-defined statutory language grants such authority.

What Remains Legal Under the Constitution and Acts of Congress

  • Congress retains exclusive constitutional authority over tariffs. Tariffs are taxes, and the Constitution vests taxing power in Congress. In the same way that only Congress can declare war, only Congress holds the exclusive right to raise revenue through tariffs. The president may impose tariffs only when Congress has delegated that authority through clearly defined statutes.
  • Section 122 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Balance‑of‑Payments Tariffs). The president may impose uniform tariffs, but only up to 15 percent and for no longer than 150 days. Congress must take action to extend tariffs beyond the 150-day period. These caps are strictly defined. The purpose of this authority is to address “large and serious” balance‑of‑payments deficits. No investigation is mandatory. This is the authority invoked immediately after the ruling.
  • Section 232 of the Trade Expansion Act of 1962 (National Security Tariffs). Permits tariffs when imports threaten national security, following a Commerce Department investigation. Existing product-specific tariffs—such as those on steel and aluminum—remain unaffected.
  • Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Unfair Trade Practices). Authorizes tariffs in response to unfair trade practices identified through a USTR investigation. This is still a central tool for addressing trade disputes, particularly with China.
  • Section 201 of the Trade Act of 1974 (Safeguard Tariffs). The U.S. International Trade Commission, not the president, determines whether a domestic industry has suffered “serious injury” from import surges. Only after such a finding may the president impose temporary safeguard measures. The Supreme Court ruling did not alter this structure.
  • Tariffs are explicitly authorized by Congress through trade pacts or statute‑specific programs. Any tariff regime grounded in explicit congressional delegation, whether tied to trade agreements, safeguard actions, or national‑security findings, remains fully legal. The ruling affects only IEEPA‑based tariffs.

The Bottom Line

The Supreme Court’s ruling draws a clear constitutional line: Presidents cannot use emergency powers (IEEPA) to impose tariffs, cannot create global tariff systems without Congress, and cannot rely on vague statutory language to justify taxation but they may impose tariffs only under explicit, congressionally delegated statutes—Sections 122, 232, 301, 201, and other targeted authorities, each with defined limits, procedures, and scope.

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