Christen is a lawyer, a senior officer in the Navy Reserve JAG Corps, a seminarian, and a member of an independent Critical Connections team catalyzing inter-movement community and capacity building among democracy and civic health-promoting organizations to achieve collective impact. All stated opinions are his own and do not represent the positions of the U.S. Navy.
This is the first in a series of articles analyzing how the field of democracy-promoting organizations and movements can prepare to support and facilitate a mass movement.
Many people I spoke with in the pro-democracy field felt hurt, outraged and indignant after Zack Beauchamp wrote in Vox: “We need a mass pro-democracy movement. It doesn’t exist.” Was he wrong?
Legions of citizens across hundreds, if not thousands, of organizations are dedicating their lives to making American democracy more just, representative and sustainable, but so far, their efforts have yet to translate into a mass mobilization of concerned citizens. A more immediate concern, however, is whether the diverse field of democracy-promoting organizations and movements is prepared to coordinate, support and scale the actions of a mass movement. Although I argue the answer is “not yet,” the time is right for the field to take the next steps towards cohering into a generative change community ready to guide the sleeping giant of concerned citizens when it awakens.
Since most democracy-promoting organizations were founded in the last six years, the majority of the field has been in an initial establishment phase. Organizations have had to primarily concentrate on building a solid funding base, developing capacity, and acquiring necessary infrastructure, personnel and resources.
To propel organizations through this initial start-up phase, a 2018 study by the venerable and greatly missed strategist Rob Stein called for funders to prioritize providing sustainable revenue generation to democracy-promoting organizations. Even today, funding continues to be a challenge as many organizational budgets have little margin for unexpected challenges, let alone for taking moonshots or contributing to collective action. That being said, increased funding has enabled many organizations to begin transitioning to intermediate stages of organizational development, which offers them the opportunity to focus more on the broader, contextual environment going forward.
While enhancing the work that organizations are doing, however, increased funding and organizational development have so far encouraged many organizations to become more inward focused. Greater organizational capabilities due to increased funding have led to organizational wins, resulting in more funding and members. Those funders and members have then pressured and incentivized – often through appropriating funds for specific internal purposes – more organizational wins, which requires even more organizational capabilities and resources. This cycle of organizational success has promoted empire-building around isolated impact goals while providing little incentive or pressure to prioritize collective impact goals, community building or inter-movement capability development.
The need for organizations to establish themselves plus the pressure and incentives to produce individual organizational success have been significant contributors to the field being disjunctive and not yet prepared to support a mass movement. Stein observed in 2018 that the field “lacked connectivity and scale” and had “limited capacity for (1) cross fertilization, (2) economies of scale, (3) issue or policy priority setting, or (4) strategic communications.”
This remains true today as most organizational and coalitional networks are largely segregated by issue area, level of advocacy and location, leading to siloed relationships and lines of communications. As a result, the field is plagued by inefficiencies from limited coordination, deconfliction and collaboration, resulting in overlapping efforts in some areas while other areas remain under-resourced. Competition for funding, new additions to the field and understanding the intersectionality of the greater ecosystem also continue to be problematic.
Ultimately, a mass movement requires a variety of building blocks, including effective relationships, a platform for rapid, flat communication, unity of purpose, some degree of communal self-identification, among other collective impact capabilities and infrastructure. Without these foundational building blocks, a mass movement will be overwhelmed by competing goals, struggle to maintain momentum, or fall into unproductive, obscurity-producing chaos. Transitioning from the emerging phase to a coalescing phase of a mass movement, therefore, will require greater intentionality in incentivizing, prioritizing, resourcing, and developing these integral building blocks.
On the positive side, the field is showing signs of becoming increasingly aware of single organizations’ inherent limitations for independently solving democracy’s adaptive challenges and of the compounding value of collective action. Coalitions and associations are proliferating. More cross-organizational relationships are being established. Collaborative efforts are being pursued. The energy trajectory is pointing towards a genuine desire to organize for collective impact.
Examples of collaboration and community building are plentiful. The founders of Bridge Alliance began building this community in 2014 by hosting cross-partisan, interdisciplinary summits. In pursuit of “ Our Common Purpose,” the Partnership for American Democracy expanded the organizing of expansive cross-organizational efforts. America Talks and the National Week of Conversation brought together numerous organizations in new and meaningful ways. FixUS hosts a monthly breakfast group that brings together representatives from diverse movements to discuss common democracy-related challenges. The Bridging Movement Alignment Council is pushing hard on building community and increasing collaboration across the bridging movement. RepresentUs brought the democracy reform field together for the Unrig Summit and is now preparing to host the American Democracy Summit in spring of 2023 (while hosting related virtual events in the meantime). In Wisconsin, the final-five voting effort by Democracy Found and its partner organizations exemplifies trans-level network building through intentional partnering and sequencing outreach and engagement across state grasstops, grassroots, and national organizations.
These efforts and more are now available to the public in a shared database of organizations, events and other content at CitizenConnect.us. Niche publications, such as The Fulcrum and The Topline, are co-amplifying information from the field. Along with many other examples, these efforts are important steps towards coalescing the field into the inter-movement generative change community that Stein had been calling for since his 2018 study.
Proving Beauchamp wrong and creating a mass movement will require more from all of us. Below are some previews of future articles on actions that should be considered now to boost momentum towards being collectively prepared for a future mass movement.
Funders can support projects, campaigns and activities that transcend organizational boundaries, promote synergistic efforts, and build inter-movement infrastructure or enhance inter-movement alignment, collaboration, and unification while benefiting participating organizations and constituencies. Although the short-term impact of the next election is alluring, there will be a higher return on investment over the long-term for movement-wide, collective impact outcomes than for individual organization achievements.
Organizations can broaden their impact while enhancing organizational efficacy and sustainability by incorporating more movement-centric principles and goals into organizational strategy, values, budget and design. Partnering with other organizations with similar needs and energies on inter-movement collaborations and capacity building will help the field prepare for a mass movement while providing organizational value with less investment due to sharing the effort, costs and resources. Also consider prioritizing participation in inter-movement spaces for sensemaking, relationship-building and collective action, such as those organized by the Horizons Project.
Leaders can cultivate a culture of collective impact, which starts with leading by example – e.g. spearheading cross-organization collaborations, attending important inter-movement summits and working groups, etc. – despite not having any extra availability. Unite America, for example, embodied this approach by hosting the Brewer Fellowship that brought together organizational leaders to strengthen cross-organizational relationships, increase collective action capabilities, and develop inter-movement leadership.
Hopefully, there will soon come a day when a seminal event in American history that fundamentally disrupts democracy will overcome societal apathy about democracy itself and inflame the passion of the American people. While the burgeoning field of democracy-promoting organizations and movements may not be ready today to support such a mass movement, steps can be taken now to build an effective inter-movement community ready to guide tomorrow’s mass movement. After all, “ The strength of the Pack is the Wolf, and the strength of the Wolf is the Pack.”



















A view of the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on June 25, 2026. President Donald Trump jolted Republicans during a fiery appearance at the U.S. Capitol on Wednesday, scrapping a housing bill signing ceremony and clashing behind closed doors with a party rebel who challenged him over the Iran war. Trump had been expected to sign the bipartisan housing.
Only Trump doesn’t care about housing
It was August 15, 2024. Then candidate Donald Trump stepped out of his Bedminster, New Jersey, golf club’s columned clubhouse to a gaggle of reporters. He was flanked by tables of groceries and signs showing the rising cost of food. Also on one of the tables was a dollhouse, meant to represent the equally alarming rise in housing prices.
It was a speech about the economy, the single most important issue of the 2024 election cycle, full of promises that went right to the heart of Americans’ anxieties. While former President Joe Biden and then Vice President Kamala Harris were contorting themselves to posture a good economy that just needed more time to recover from the pandemic, Trump was preying on voters’ very real fears of unaffordable gas, groceries, and homes. It was obviously a winning message.
In that speech, Trump promised, “We’re going to open up tracts of federal land for housing construction. We desperately need housing for people who can’t afford what’s going on now.”
As of mid-2023, there had been a housing shortage of nearly four million homes, according to the National Association of Realtors. Americans all over the country were either priced out of buying new homes due to low inventory, trapped in their existing homes by sky-high mortgage rates, or facing exorbitant rent hikes thanks to corporate investors buying up rental properties. Americans needed help, and Trump promised it.
Cut to March of 2026, when Trump reportedly told House Speaker Mike Johnson, “No one gives a sh*t about housing.”
That kind of thinking may explain why Trump this week suddenly announced he was canceling a signing ceremony for the bipartisan “21st Century ROAD to Housing Act,” a housing bill co-sponsored by Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Tim Scott that passed the House 358-32 and was approved in the Senate on Monday.
Trump instead demanded Congress pass the SAVE America Act, his controversial election grievance bill that doesn’t have enough Republican support to get passed in the Senate.
It’s just the latest in a line of policy self-owns where Trump has seemingly intentionally made life more difficult for Republicans hoping to keep their majority. Despite midterm elections occurring in the midst of a blistering economy and an unpopular war, they were surely hoping the housing bill would give them something — anything — to brag about when they returned home to their districts.
And very much to the contrary, Americans do give a sh*t about housing. According to a recent survey by the Bipartisan Policy Center, a whopping 79% say the cost of housing is extremely or very important to them. Eighty-three percent say Congress should take action on the issue — like it just did. Eighty-nine percent say the House and Senate need to work together to pass affordable housing legislation — like they just did. And 63% say they would be more likely to vote for a lawmaker if they helped pass legislation to build more affordable homes and lower housing costs — like they just did.
There aren’t many issues that unite Americans like housing does, and very few bipartisan policy wins Congress can point to, and yet, Trump is holding that bill hostage in order to get his pet project — which doesn’t even have the support of his own party — pushed through.
If you’re trying to make sense of something so nonsensical, as I’m sure many Republican lawmakers are, it’s certainly sad but not actually all that complicated. Trump said what he needed to get reelected and then promptly abandoned his promises in order to pursue his own self-interests, even if those interests are bad for Republicans and bad for voters.
That’s just the kind of guy he is.
S.E. Cupp is the host of "S.E. Cupp Unfiltered" on CNN.