Christen is a lawyer, a senior officer in the Navy Reserve JAG Corps, a seminarian, and a member of an independent Critical Connections team catalyzing inter-movement community and capacity building among democracy and civic health-promoting organizations to achieve collective impact. All stated opinions are his own and do not represent the positions of the U.S. Navy.
This is the first in a series of articles analyzing how the field of democracy-promoting organizations and movements can prepare to support and facilitate a mass movement.
Many people I spoke with in the pro-democracy field felt hurt, outraged and indignant after Zack Beauchamp wrote in Vox: “We need a mass pro-democracy movement. It doesn’t exist.” Was he wrong?
Legions of citizens across hundreds, if not thousands, of organizations are dedicating their lives to making American democracy more just, representative and sustainable, but so far, their efforts have yet to translate into a mass mobilization of concerned citizens. A more immediate concern, however, is whether the diverse field of democracy-promoting organizations and movements is prepared to coordinate, support and scale the actions of a mass movement. Although I argue the answer is “not yet,” the time is right for the field to take the next steps towards cohering into a generative change community ready to guide the sleeping giant of concerned citizens when it awakens.
Since most democracy-promoting organizations were founded in the last six years, the majority of the field has been in an initial establishment phase. Organizations have had to primarily concentrate on building a solid funding base, developing capacity, and acquiring necessary infrastructure, personnel and resources.
To propel organizations through this initial start-up phase, a 2018 study by the venerable and greatly missed strategist Rob Stein called for funders to prioritize providing sustainable revenue generation to democracy-promoting organizations. Even today, funding continues to be a challenge as many organizational budgets have little margin for unexpected challenges, let alone for taking moonshots or contributing to collective action. That being said, increased funding has enabled many organizations to begin transitioning to intermediate stages of organizational development, which offers them the opportunity to focus more on the broader, contextual environment going forward.
While enhancing the work that organizations are doing, however, increased funding and organizational development have so far encouraged many organizations to become more inward focused. Greater organizational capabilities due to increased funding have led to organizational wins, resulting in more funding and members. Those funders and members have then pressured and incentivized – often through appropriating funds for specific internal purposes – more organizational wins, which requires even more organizational capabilities and resources. This cycle of organizational success has promoted empire-building around isolated impact goals while providing little incentive or pressure to prioritize collective impact goals, community building or inter-movement capability development.
The need for organizations to establish themselves plus the pressure and incentives to produce individual organizational success have been significant contributors to the field being disjunctive and not yet prepared to support a mass movement. Stein observed in 2018 that the field “lacked connectivity and scale” and had “limited capacity for (1) cross fertilization, (2) economies of scale, (3) issue or policy priority setting, or (4) strategic communications.”
This remains true today as most organizational and coalitional networks are largely segregated by issue area, level of advocacy and location, leading to siloed relationships and lines of communications. As a result, the field is plagued by inefficiencies from limited coordination, deconfliction and collaboration, resulting in overlapping efforts in some areas while other areas remain under-resourced. Competition for funding, new additions to the field and understanding the intersectionality of the greater ecosystem also continue to be problematic.
Ultimately, a mass movement requires a variety of building blocks, including effective relationships, a platform for rapid, flat communication, unity of purpose, some degree of communal self-identification, among other collective impact capabilities and infrastructure. Without these foundational building blocks, a mass movement will be overwhelmed by competing goals, struggle to maintain momentum, or fall into unproductive, obscurity-producing chaos. Transitioning from the emerging phase to a coalescing phase of a mass movement, therefore, will require greater intentionality in incentivizing, prioritizing, resourcing, and developing these integral building blocks.
On the positive side, the field is showing signs of becoming increasingly aware of single organizations’ inherent limitations for independently solving democracy’s adaptive challenges and of the compounding value of collective action. Coalitions and associations are proliferating. More cross-organizational relationships are being established. Collaborative efforts are being pursued. The energy trajectory is pointing towards a genuine desire to organize for collective impact.
Examples of collaboration and community building are plentiful. The founders of Bridge Alliance began building this community in 2014 by hosting cross-partisan, interdisciplinary summits. In pursuit of “ Our Common Purpose,” the Partnership for American Democracy expanded the organizing of expansive cross-organizational efforts. America Talks and the National Week of Conversation brought together numerous organizations in new and meaningful ways. FixUS hosts a monthly breakfast group that brings together representatives from diverse movements to discuss common democracy-related challenges. The Bridging Movement Alignment Council is pushing hard on building community and increasing collaboration across the bridging movement. RepresentUs brought the democracy reform field together for the Unrig Summit and is now preparing to host the American Democracy Summit in spring of 2023 (while hosting related virtual events in the meantime). In Wisconsin, the final-five voting effort by Democracy Found and its partner organizations exemplifies trans-level network building through intentional partnering and sequencing outreach and engagement across state grasstops, grassroots, and national organizations.
These efforts and more are now available to the public in a shared database of organizations, events and other content at CitizenConnect.us. Niche publications, such as The Fulcrum and The Topline, are co-amplifying information from the field. Along with many other examples, these efforts are important steps towards coalescing the field into the inter-movement generative change community that Stein had been calling for since his 2018 study.
Proving Beauchamp wrong and creating a mass movement will require more from all of us. Below are some previews of future articles on actions that should be considered now to boost momentum towards being collectively prepared for a future mass movement.
Funders can support projects, campaigns and activities that transcend organizational boundaries, promote synergistic efforts, and build inter-movement infrastructure or enhance inter-movement alignment, collaboration, and unification while benefiting participating organizations and constituencies. Although the short-term impact of the next election is alluring, there will be a higher return on investment over the long-term for movement-wide, collective impact outcomes than for individual organization achievements.
Organizations can broaden their impact while enhancing organizational efficacy and sustainability by incorporating more movement-centric principles and goals into organizational strategy, values, budget and design. Partnering with other organizations with similar needs and energies on inter-movement collaborations and capacity building will help the field prepare for a mass movement while providing organizational value with less investment due to sharing the effort, costs and resources. Also consider prioritizing participation in inter-movement spaces for sensemaking, relationship-building and collective action, such as those organized by the Horizons Project.
Leaders can cultivate a culture of collective impact, which starts with leading by example – e.g. spearheading cross-organization collaborations, attending important inter-movement summits and working groups, etc. – despite not having any extra availability. Unite America, for example, embodied this approach by hosting the Brewer Fellowship that brought together organizational leaders to strengthen cross-organizational relationships, increase collective action capabilities, and develop inter-movement leadership.
Hopefully, there will soon come a day when a seminal event in American history that fundamentally disrupts democracy will overcome societal apathy about democracy itself and inflame the passion of the American people. While the burgeoning field of democracy-promoting organizations and movements may not be ready today to support such a mass movement, steps can be taken now to build an effective inter-movement community ready to guide tomorrow’s mass movement. After all, “ The strength of the Pack is the Wolf, and the strength of the Wolf is the Pack.”



















Eric Trump, the newly appointed ALT5 board director of World Liberty Financial, walks outside of the NASDAQ in Times Square as they mark the $1.5- billion partnership between World Liberty Financial and ALT5 Sigma with the ringing of the NASDAQ opening bell, on Aug. 13, 2025, in New York City.
Why does the Trump family always get a pass?
Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche joined ABC’s “This Week” on Sunday to defend or explain a lot of controversies for the Trump administration: the Epstein files release, the events in Minneapolis, etc. He was also asked about possible conflicts of interest between President Trump’s family business and his job. Specifically, Blanche was asked about a very sketchy deal Trump’s son Eric signed with the UAE’s national security adviser, Sheikh Tahnoon.
Shortly before Trump was inaugurated in early 2025, Tahnoon invested $500 million in the Trump-owned World Liberty, a then newly launched cryptocurrency outfit. A few months later, UAE was granted permission to purchase sensitive American AI chips. According to the Wall Street Journal, which broke the story, “the deal marks something unprecedented in American politics: a foreign government official taking a major ownership stake in an incoming U.S. president’s company.”
“How do you respond to those who say this is a serious conflict of interest?” ABC host George Stephanopoulos asked.
“I love it when these papers talk about something being unprecedented or never happening before,” Blanche replied, “as if the Biden family and the Biden administration didn’t do exactly the same thing, and they were just in office.”
Blanche went on to boast about how the president is utterly transparent regarding his questionable business practices: “I don’t have a comment on it beyond Trump has been completely transparent when his family travels for business reasons. They don’t do so in secret. We don’t learn about it when we find a laptop a few years later. We learn about it when it’s happening.”
Sadly, Stephanopoulos didn’t offer the obvious response, which may have gone something like this: “OK, but the president and countless leading Republicans insisted that President Biden was the head of what they dubbed ‘the Biden Crime family’ and insisted his business dealings were corrupt, and indeed that his corruption merited impeachment. So how is being ‘transparent’ about similar corruption a defense?”
Now, I should be clear that I do think the Biden family’s business dealings were corrupt, whether or not laws were broken. Others disagree. I also think Trump’s business dealings appear to be worse in many ways than even what Biden was alleged to have done. But none of that is relevant. The standard set by Trump and Republicans is the relevant political standard, and by the deputy attorney general’s own account, the Trump administration is doing “exactly the same thing,” just more openly.
Since when is being more transparent about wrongdoing a defense? Try telling a cop or judge, “Yes, I robbed that bank. I’ve been completely transparent about that. So, what’s the big deal?”
This is just a small example of the broader dysfunction in the way we talk about politics.
Americans have a special hatred for hypocrisy. I think it goes back to the founding era. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed in “Democracy In America,” the old world had a different way of dealing with the moral shortcomings of leaders. Rank had its privileges. Nobles, never mind kings, were entitled to behave in ways that were forbidden to the little people.
In America, titles of nobility were banned in the Constitution and in our democratic culture. In a society built on notions of equality (the obvious exceptions of Black people, women, Native Americans notwithstanding) no one has access to special carve-outs or exemptions as to what is right and wrong. Claiming them, particularly in secret, feels like a betrayal against the whole idea of equality.
The problem in the modern era is that elites — of all ideological stripes — have violated that bargain. The result isn’t that we’ve abandoned any notion of right and wrong. Instead, by elevating hypocrisy to the greatest of sins, we end up weaponizing the principles, using them as a cudgel against the other side but not against our own.
Pick an issue: violent rhetoric by politicians, sexual misconduct, corruption and so on. With every revelation, almost immediately the debate becomes a riot of whataboutism. Team A says that Team B has no right to criticize because they did the same thing. Team B points out that Team A has switched positions. Everyone has a point. And everyone is missing the point.
Sure, hypocrisy is a moral failing, and partisan inconsistency is an intellectual one. But neither changes the objective facts. This is something you’re supposed to learn as a child: It doesn’t matter what everyone else is doing or saying, wrong is wrong. It’s also something lawyers like Mr. Blanche are supposed to know. Telling a judge that the hypocrisy of the prosecutor — or your client’s transparency — means your client did nothing wrong would earn you nothing but a laugh.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.