Seriously: what's going on with Elon Musk? And what happens when "free speech absolutism" runs up against the realities of running the nation's de facto digital public square? How has Joe Biden performed in his first two years in office? And what can Americans expect from Braver Angels in 2023? In the final episode of the year, Ciaran O'Connor convenes fellow Braver Angels leaders John Wood, Jr., Monica Guzman, April Kornfield, and Gabbi Timmis for a freewheeling roundtable discussion.
Site Navigation
Search
Latest Stories
Start your day right!
Get latest updates and insights delivered to your inbox.
Top Stories
Latest news
Read More
A gavel and handcuffs.
Getty Images, -Oxford-
A Stunning Verdict: A Shared Vision of Justice Unites Americans
Jun 13, 2025
America’s political landscape is deeply divided. The shouting matches, the name-calling, the constant finger-pointing—it's easy to feel like unity is a pipe dream. But every so often, something remarkable happens. Something that cuts through the noise and reminds us that, despite our differences, we might still agree on some of the most important things.
That’s exactly what occurred when a group of unlikely allies—staunch conservatives and progressive advocates—came together to craft a new declaration of principles for criminal justice policy.
Imagine theAmerican Civil Liberties Union shaking hands with the American Conservative Union/CPAC. Picture policy wonks from the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) sitting across the table from advocates at the
Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights. It sounds like a joke. But it wasn’t.
It was the start of something real.
Convened by theCouncil on Criminal Justice and Princeton’s School of Public and International Affairs, with backing from The Just Trust, this unlikely collection of groups—seven organizations from the right, seven from the left—agreed on four core values they believe should guide the American justice system: safety, fairness, dignity, and accountability.
These are big words, sure. Some might say they’re too broad to mean much. But what makes this declaration powerful is the way it breaks those words down—and finds a balance between perspectives that usually clash.
Take accountability. The declaration affirms that crime cannot be excused and perpetrators must answer for their actions. But it also recognizes factors like family, schools, and neighborhoods affect behavior. Individuals should be held responsible and so too should society. That means we owe real chances at redemption and reintegration to those who have broken the law, served their time, and demonstrated a commitment to change.
Or consider fairness. On one hand, that means upholding the rule of law and the time-honored values enshrined in our Constitution—the backbone of conservative legal thinking. On the other, it means ensuring outcomes in the justice system don’t depend on race, income, or political clout—concerns often voiced by progressives.
And safety? That must include ample funding for proactive policing that works to prevent, deter, and solve crime, and acknowledge the role of prisons in removing dangerous people from our neighborhoods. But at the same time, we must focus on improving access to services, from mentoring for youth to mental health treatment, so fewer people end up in the justice system in the first place.
Finally, all participants embraced the concept of dignity, which requires us to fight for justice on behalf of those who have been victims of crime, ensuring they are made as whole as possible from the injuries—physical, emotional, and pecuniary—that crime so often inflicts. By the same token, it means we must acknowledge the inherent human worth of those who have violated our laws.
Perhaps the most extraordinary part of this effort isn’t the principles themselves. It’s that these groups were willing to sit down, talk, and risk criticism from their own camps to find common ground. In an era when virtue-signaling often overtakes bridge-building, that takes courage.
This declaration doesn’t play to partisan talking points. There are no slogans, no culture war buzzwords. Instead, it offers something rare: a path forward rooted in shared humanity and mutual respect.
Because here’s the truth: Liberals don’t win when someone violent is released only to harm again. And conservatives don’t win when innocent people are jailed due to broken systems or held far beyond a period of just punishment. That’s why implementing practices to prevent and remedy wrongful convictions has been embraced by both ALEC and theACLU. Justice shouldn’t be about winning or losing. It’s about doing what’s right—together.
Sure, we’ll still argue about things like the death penalty or gun control. That’s part of democracy. But agreeing on the values that should guide our justice system? That’s foundational. That’s how we build trust. And without trust, the rule of law doesn’t stand a chance.
Marc A. Levin and Khalil Cumberbatch co-lead the Centering Justice Initiative at the Council on Criminal Justice where Levin is Chief Policy Counsel and Cumberbatch is Director of Engagement and Partnerships.
Keep ReadingShow less
Recommended
Abortion at the Dinner Table
Jun 13, 2025
It was New Year's Eve 2021, six months before Roe v. Wade was overturned, and I was sitting at my parents' dinner table in La Lima, Honduras, about to have one of the most appallingly memorable nights in my life. The fact was that I, a Latina immigrant from Honduras working in New Orleans, had just had an abortion in the same city, one that marked my life in countless ways. I was quick to address the elephant in the room, my abortion in the face of a deeply Catholic culture, riddled with machismo, and in a country that criminalizes abortions. The table was silent for a moment. Around me were my family and my partner at the time. My mother broke down in tears:
“Mataste a mi nieto.”
“You killed my grandson.”
It pierced my heart to be labeled a murderer by my own mother, a doctor herself, while also assuming a gender for the fetus.
“Si pasa otra vez, dámelo a mi.”
“If this happens again, give it to me,” added my father.
My partner at that time asked me why I brought it up in the first place. I could have kept it a secret and avoided the family fallout. It was simple for me, I want to be loved as I truly am. I didn’t feel loved by my family, I felt ostracized, alone, and on the verge of being shut off from any family support or care I had ever had. All for making what I believed in my heart was the best decision for myself at that particular moment.
My abortion itself was marked by traumatic moments stemming from the multiple barriers to care and reproductive healthcare that already existed even when abortion was still legal in Louisiana. Because of complications and the extended process to actually get an abortion, I ended up going to the clinic three times. Every time I was at the clinic, a different Latina would show up seeking an abortion, and because of a lack of language access, I offered myself as an interpreter for every step of the process, from the payment at the start, to the actual procedure, to the aftercare required. My interpreting skills were so needed that by the third day, the staff already knew me by name and would seek me out when a Spanish speaker came in. I was shocked. If I hadn’t been there, these women would have had to go through such a personal healthcare procedure without knowing what they were being subjected to and what exactly the procedure was—not even for the process that one has to agree to in order to access pain medication. I saw a diversity of abortion seekers who had to endure protesters shaming them outside the clinic, most were mothers already, some had already had abortions, others were in abusive relationships, and some were as young as 15. All of them were convinced that having a child at this moment would be detrimental to their health, well-being, and lives.
The first day I came in for my D&C, I spent the entire day in the clinic. I was nearly the last person. Already drugged up, and shaking a bit from the lack of food, the medicine, and the cold AC, I laid on the surgical table. The doctor attempted to go through my cervix with his instrument and I felt a sharp poking pain. He tried again, but my cervix wasn’t dilated enough. The doctor said that I had to come back on Monday, but I had to be vigilant and go to the emergency room if I started bleeding heavily. I had already taken the drugs to dilate my cervix, so there was a possibility that I could pass the pregnancy throughout the weekend. I’m thankful that I had a community of friends who took care of me throughout the anxiety-ridden weekend. I had a successful procedure when I came back that Monday, and the provider who saw me was the kindest woman I had met, guiding me through each step of the procedure. I kept thinking about the other Spanish-speaking women, who had no idea what was being done to their bodies because of the lack of language access.
My abortion marked my life so profoundly, I can’t not share it. When we talk about abortion and reproductive justice, we seldom mention immigration, but my story goes to show that immigrants, just like everyone else, get abortions. Abortion is now illegal in Louisiana, a state that ranks the highest for maternal mortality and has one of the highest poverty rates in the country. There is also a large immigrant population, and our fight is for access to legal, safe abortion itself but also for language justice in all its forms and in all instances. We all deserve a world where we never feel alone, a world where we have full access to all healthcare services we need, in the language we speak, at the time that we need them.
I lost my work visa in 2022, and now I’m on a deferred action status, one that is under threat of elimination. Because of that, I am not able to travel back home to Honduras. My family and I have worked on repairing our relationship after the fallout. My mother has apologized and even opened up to learning more about reproductive justice. I can’t help but think, if something happened to her, I wouldn’t be able to take care of her. The other day, after reading headlines of the ICE kidnappings happening around the U.S., she told me she had a nightmare about ICE kidnapping me. This is reproductive justice, too; immigrant justice is reproductive justice through and through.
Edith Romero is a Honduran community organizer, researcher, writer, and a Public Voices fellow of The OpEd Project, The National Latina Institute for Reproductive Justice, and the Every Page Foundation.
Keep ReadingShow less
U.S. President Donald Trump walks towards Marine One on the South Lawn on May 1, 2025 in Washington, DC.
Getty Images, Andrew Harnik
Congress Bill Spotlight: National Garden of American Heroes, As Trump Proposed
Jun 13, 2025
The Fulcrum introduces Congress Bill Spotlight, a weekly report by Jesse Rifkin, focusing on the noteworthy legislation of the thousands introduced in Congress. Rifkin has written about Congress for years, and now he's dissecting the most interesting bills you need to know about, but that often don't get the right news coverage.
What do Kobe Bryant, Dr. Seuss, Walt Disney, Alex Trebek, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg have in common?
What the bill does
The National Garden for America's 250th Anniversary Act would create a public park depicting 250 sculptures of notable historic Americans. The park would open in July 2026, tied to the “semiquincentennial” 250th anniversary of July 1776’s Declaration of Independence signing.
Who would be depicted in this park? While President Donald Trump’s executive order, which inspired it, contains a list of 250 proposed people, the actual legislative text contains no such names. Vince Haley, chair of Trump’s Domestic Policy Council, would be tasked with finalizing the selections.
Where would it be located? Again, the legislative text doesn’t say, stating that the decision is up to the Interior Secretary. While most “national” landmarks are in the nation’s capital of Washington, D.C., South Dakota Gov. Larry Rhoden (R) proposes locating it near Mount Rushmore in his state.
The congressional bill was introduced by Rep. Brian Mast (R-FL21).
Context
In the summer of 2020, amid a nationwide reckoning on race relations, statues of Confederate generals and other controversial figures with fraught histories on race were torn down around the country. Trump opposed these changes, calling them attempts to “erase our history.”
So that July, against this tumult, he issued an executive order creating a “National Garden of American Heroes.” A subsequent executive order in January 2021, on the third-to-last day of his term, proposed 250 Americans who could be depicted.
Most are some combination of “the usual suspects” like George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, plus favorites of the modern right like conservative Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia and televangelist pastor Billy Graham.
However, at least a few names might be surprising, like liberal Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. The list also includes abolitionist Harriet Tubman, even though Trump opposed putting Tubman’s face on the $20 bill, calling it “pure political correctness.” (President Andrew Jackson, the bill’s current face for now, is also one of the 250 proposed statues.)
A few proposed names are less historical and political but instead more recent and entertaining, such as Jeopardy host Alex Trebek and basketball legend Kobe Bryant.
President Joe Biden revoked Trump’s executive order creating the statue garden in May 2021, only for Trump to reinstate it in January 2025.
Who could be included?
The 250 final statues wouldn’t necessarily match the 250 proposed statues from Trump’s executive order. Still, they provide a rough guide, an assortment of notable Americans from all walks of life.
Here are a few particularly notable names each from various different categories:
- Musicians: Elvis Presley, Whitney Houston, Frank Sinatra, Aretha Franklin, Ray Charles.
- Athletes: Kobe Bryant, Muhammad Ali, Jackie Robinson, Jesse Owens, Babe Ruth.
- Actors and filmmakers: Walt Disney, Shirley Temple, John Wayne, Alfred Hitchcock, Jimmy Stewart.
- Writers and authors: Theodore “Dr. Seuss” Geisel, Mark Twain, Ernest Hemingway, Francis Scott Key (The Star-Spangled Banner), Harper Lee (To Kill a Mockingbird).
- Television figures:Jeopardy host Alex Trebek, The French Chef host Julia Child, comedian and 19-time Academy Awards host Bob Hope.
- Inventors: Steve Jobs, Thomas Edison, Henry Ford, Orville and Wilbur Wright.
- Advocates: Susan B. Anthony, Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, Harriet Tubman, Frederick Douglass.
- Pioneers and explorers: Neil Armstrong, Johnny “Appleseed” Chapman, Amelia Earhart, Christa McAuliffe (school teacher aboard the Challenger, which exploded in 1986), Sally Ride (first woman in space).
- First Ladies: Eleanor Roosevelt, Dolley Madison.
- Political figures: Alexander Hamilton, Jeannette Rankin (first woman to serve in Congress).
- Scientists: Albert Einstein, Katherine Johnson (the long-unheralded NASA mathematician portrayed in the movie Hidden Figures).
- Supreme Court justices: Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Antonin Scalia, Thurgood Marshall.
- Military: Douglas MacArthur, George Patton.
- Presidents: 17 of the 45 men to serve as president are listed for consideration. While some are “obvious,” such as all four carved into Mount Rushmore, two lesser-known names are Calvin Coolidge and Grover Cleveland. Three perhaps surprising Democratic presidents include Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, and John F. Kennedy.
Plus a few notable names that don’t neatly fit into any of the above categories: Benjamin Franklin, Betsy Ross, Norman Rockwell, Helen Keller, Annie Oakley, Paul Revere.
What supporters say
Supporters argue the sculpture garden will serve much the same role as other iconic landmarks depicting notable Americans like the Lincoln Memorial, Jefferson Memorial, and Mount Rushmore.
“The National Garden will be a beautiful site to honor our history and recognize prominent American founders and generations of trailblazers,” Rep. Mast said in a press release. “America’s past and present is filled with heroes from all walks of life and this new garden will soon be open to the public to forever remember their contributions.”
Rep. Mast’s website also includes a survey where the public can nominate anybody for a statue. The poll also includes six specific names to upvote, four of whom are on the original proposed list: George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Albert Einstein, and Babe Ruth. Two others are not: Trump himself and singer Kid Rock. (Both are still alive; all of the original 250 names are deceased.)
What opponents say
Opponents counter that the sculpture garden would be sycophantic propaganda at a time when the administration is slashing money for more so-called “authentic” arts.
“For 60 years, the [National Endowment for the Humanities] has enhanced education at all levels — K-12, higher ed, and community-based — by supporting a thoughtful and critical engagement with history, art, and culture,” Northwestern University Art History Professor Rebecca Zorach wrote in a Chicago Tribune opinion column. “Diverting NEH funding toward the commissioning of top-down, politically prescribed ‘art’ is an affront to the vital work the NEH has historically done.”
Opponents may also counter that this basic idea functionally already exists, in the form of the National Statuary Hall. Each of the 50 states selects two notable figures for statues representing their home states, totaling 100 statues displayed at the U.S. Capitol Building.
However, each individual legislature selects their own state’s statues, while Trump’s idea would select them at the federal level instead. At least while Trump or a Republican is president, this would make it less likely that certain statues would be taken down, like Virginia’s 2020 vote to remove Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee while Trump was president.
Odds of passage
The bill has attracted two cosponsors, both Republicans: Reps. Mike Lawler (R-NY17) and Barry Moore (R-AL1).
It awaits a potential vote in the House Natural Resources Committee, controlled by Republicans.
Jesse Rifkin is a freelance journalist with the Fulcrum. Don’t miss his weekly report, Congress Bill Spotlight, every Friday on the Fulcrum. Rifkin’s writings about politics and Congress have been published in the Washington Post, Politico, Roll Call, Los Angeles Times, CNN Opinion, GovTrack, and USA Today.
SUGGESTIONS:
Congress Bill Spotlight: Preventing Presidential Inaugurations on MLK Day, Like Trump’s
Congress Bill Spotlight: No Invading Allies Act
Congress Bill Spotlight: Suspending Pennies and Nickels for 10 Years
Congress Bill Spotlight: Trump’s Birthday and Flag Day Holiday Establishment Act
Keep ReadingShow less
Democracy on the Edge—And How We Bring It Back
Jun 13, 2025
Welcome to the latest edition of The Expand Democracy 5. With Rob Ritchie and Eveline Dowling’s help, we highlight timely links and stories about democracy at the local, national, and global levels. Today's stories include:
🧨 The psychology of political violence in America
💡 Reimagining the voter guide
📖 Creating citizens’ initiative assemblies
⚡ Allowing 17-year-olds to vote
🕓 This week’s timely links
In keeping with The Fulcrum’s mission to share ideas that help to repair our democracy and make it live and work in our everyday lives, we intend to publish The Expand Democracy 5 in The Fulcrum each Friday.
If you want to suggest a pro-democracy idea for coverage in The Expand Democracy 5, please use the contact form at Expand Democracy.
The Psychology of Political Violence in America
*This piece is not related to the current protests in Los Angeles, as it takes a broader perspective. That said, my advice still stands: ask friends not to be violent.*
On June 1, the tranquil ambiance of Boulder's Pearl Street Mall was shattered when Mohamed Sabry Soliman, a 45-year-old Egyptian nationalist, launched a violent assault on a peaceful pro-Israel demonstration. Armed with Molotov cocktails, Soliman injured 15 individuals, including an 88-year-old Holocaust survivor. Soliman cited a desire to harm those he perceived as "Zionist people." His actions underscore a disturbing trend of politically motivated violence that has been escalating across the U.S., with many fearing it could get worse without greater attention to how to mitigate the threat.
This incident is not isolated. The U.S. has seen a surge in hate crimes targeting specific religious or ethnic groups, including the May 21st murder of two Israeli embassy staff outside the Capital Jewish Museum in D.C. These attacks, amid heightened tensions from the Israel-Hamas conflict, highlight that while such violence must be condemned, it can stem from political voicelessness. Washington Post columnist Shadi Hamid wrote about the genocide of Gaza's Palestinian children, who lack political recourse in the U.S. The concerns around this are valid, yet most Congress members from both major parties support military aid to Israel and defend its actions.
The attack on Congress and the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, was similar in nature. Fueled by a White House demagogue promoting “Stop the Steal” lies, the rioters felt their views were blocked by state and federal courts, state legislators, and Congress. Their violence could have escalated further without the bravery of the U.S. Capitol police, yet it led to several deaths and injuries to as many as 140 officers. President Trump’s election lies are now embraced by his party, as he pardoned the January 6th rioters on his first day in office. His supporters now have political representation in the nation’s highest offices, but it comes with an inherent volatility if they don’t like the outcome of the next national election.
One approach to maintaining activist passion in politics is providing representation, which is more likely in proportional systems than in U.S.-style winner-take-all elections. But we need not wait for structural reforms to address the root causes of radicalization and to develop comprehensive strategies against domestic extremism. As communities face the impact of such attacks, a balanced approach is required to ensure security while upholding civil liberties. Investing in outreach, education, and early intervention programs can prevent the spread of extremist ideologies.
[Source: The Religious Action Center]
The Psychology of Political Violence: When Fear Becomes Force: The attack in Boulder, CO, was not just an act of hatred. It was also an expression of deep psychological insecurity. To understand how ordinary individuals commit extraordinary violence, we must examine what political psychologists describe as defensive extremism: a process by which individuals lash out violently in response to a perceived loss of control, belonging, or identity.
Research shows that political violence is often rooted less in ideology than it is in psychological distress and identity threat (see Huddy, Mason, and Arroe, 2015). When people experience social, economic, or cultural instability, they often interpret political change as an attack on their sense of self (see Liliana Mason’s 2018 book Uncivil Agreement). In this vulnerable state, violence becomes a perverse attempt to restore agency and impose order on a world that feels chaotic. This dynamic is especially potent among (1) socially isolated individuals who lack strong community ties or identity anchors, (2) contexts of rapid change where longstanding social hierarchies or belief systems feel upended, and (3) online echo chambers where grievances are magnified and weaponized.
Other research led by Katarzyna Jasko examines how the “quest for significance” reveals how people who feel humiliated, excluded, or powerless are more likely to adopt extreme ideologies that offer dignity and clarity through action, including violent action (International Society of Political Psychology, 2014). Moghaddam’s “staircase to terrorism” model explains how personal grievances and perceived injustices escalate through stages of cognitive narrowing and moral justification, ultimately leading some individuals to see violence as the only meaningful choice (American Psychologist, 2005). In the Boulder case, the attacker expressed a desire to “send a message” and “hurt Zionist people,” reflecting the classic signs of externalized blame and moralization of violence seen in radicalized individuals.
As political violence rises in the U.S., understanding the distinct psychological processing types is crucial. Jonathan Ludwig’s Unforgiving Places, based on FBI homicide data, shows nearly 80% of American murders are expressive, not instrumental. These acts aren’t calculated for gain; they’re emotional eruptions, “a match struck in passing,” as Ludwig writes. Driven by frustration, alienation, and the need to find meaning amid perceived threats, expressive violence is spontaneous and personal. Ludwig links this violence to System 1 thinking: a rapid, reactive mode that views the world in binaries, asking “what does this have to do with me?”, and prioritizing threats over possibilities. When people are overwhelmed by fear, outrage, or perceived injustice, especially in polarized environments, this mentality can escalate political issues and turn personal grievances into public violence.
Framing these attacks as psychologically defensive doesn’t excuse them, but it does help us intervene more effectively. Preventing political violence requires more than surveillance or enforcement. It demands early interventions that build belonging, mitigate identity threats, and inoculate individuals against dehumanizing narratives. Programs focused on community engagement, online radicalization prevention, and trauma-informed education are key to addressing the root causes, not just the symptoms, of domestic extremism. In a moment when political violence is becoming more individualized, improvised, and ideologically diverse, understanding its psychological roots is essential to preserving a healthy democracy. We can all help by speaking out against violence whenever friends and neighbors suggest it.
Resources:
- Journal of Democracy, October 2024 article: How to Prevent Political Violence by Rachel Kleinfeld and Nicole Bibbins Sedaca
- The Ash Center’s August 2024 event, Political Violence in America: Causes, Consequences, and Countermeasures
- Political Violence — Resources from the Democracy Funders Network
Reimagining the Voter Guide for a New Era of Engagement💡
In 2024 and beyond, civic groups are realizing that reaching voters, especially young, new, and disengaged ones, requires more than simply sending out dense sample ballots and FAQs. A new generation of voter guides and education tools is emerging: visual, mobile, personalized, and culturally relevant. The best of these not only inform voters but also invite them in.
A recent roundup by Nonprofit VOTE offers 24 creative ideas to engage voters, including pop-up voter registration events, collaborations with local artists, and co-branded guides designed with trusted community institutions. The emphasis: meet people where they are, physically and emotionally, and use trusted messengers to increase turnout in overlooked communities.
Meanwhile, the Center for Civic Design lays out clear best practices for creating effective, inclusive voter guides. Their latest field guide encourages election officials and nonprofits alike to:
- Focus on actionable, accessible information (e.g., where, when, and how to vote).
- Avoid legal jargon in favor of clear, visual language.
- Tailor guides to different reading levels and languages, and include sample ballots and candidate statements to clarify the process.
This matters most for younger voters. According to the Center for Tech and Civic Life’s youth engagement research and Aristotle’s Gen Z outreach guide, young people want:
- Peer-to-peer content and videos that break down how voting connects to issues they care about (i.e., short explainers, meme formats, or Instagram Reels).
- Interactivity and immediacy via QR codes, personalized reminders, and AI chat-based guides.
- Messaging that emphasizes empowerment and self-expression instead of guilt or doom.
Together, these approaches indicate a modern voter engagement model that resembles an invitation to a community project rather than a bureaucratic transaction. As we approach 2026 and 2028, Expand Democracy will be watching and supporting groups that view voter education not merely as a requirement but as a creative discipline grounded in design, storytelling, and a sense of belonging.
Rebuilding Direct Democracy with Citizens’ Initiative Assemblies💡
[Source: Harvard Law Today]
This month’s Harvard Law Review features a compelling student note that confronts a growing crisis in American democracy: the broken ballot initiative process. Once a proud Progressive Era reform to give voters a direct voice, today’s initiative system is increasingly dominated by big money, special interests, and confusing policies that voters often don’t fully understand. And yet the initiative gives voters direct power to pass policies they support. Can we fix it instead of eliminating it, and create conditions that could make it viable in more states?
The article, titled “Putting the Initiative Back Together”, proposes a bold fix: create Citizens’ Initiative Assemblies, permanent, randomly selected groups of everyday people who would deliberate on proposed ballot initiatives, offer guidance to voters, and even help shape what gets on the ballot in the first place. Drawing from international examples in Ireland and Canada, and Oregon’s own Citizens’ Initiative Review, the paper argues these deliberative bodies could restore trust, transparency, and legitimacy to the initiative process, especially as more states move to restrict direct democracy.
At a time when legislatures in multiple states are actively trying to roll back ballot access, this idea points to a future where more voters, not fewer, have a say in shaping the laws that govern them. Please send us your own ideas about how we can best have initiative and referendum rights in the 21st century.
Expanding the Franchise for 17-Year-olds in Primaries⚡
Across the country, a quiet but growing reform is reshaping who gets a say in our democracy: allowing 17-year-olds to vote in primaries so long as they’ll be 18 by the general election. Advocates argue this simple change can have outsized impacts: strengthening youth engagement, increasing turnout, and ensuring that young voters have a voice in deciding who appears on their November ballot. It is also eminently logical: if a citizen is eligible to elect someone in November, they should have the opportunity to vote in primaries and pick the nominees for that election.
According toBallotpedia, 27 states and Washington, D.C., now allow some form of 17-year-old primary voting. In many cases, this applies to presidential primaries, but in others, it also includes 19 states for congressional and state primaries. This means millions of high school seniors, many of whom are politically aware and civically engaged, can participate in shaping the choices available in general elections.
FairVote notes that this reform can be especially effective when combined with civic education and pre-registration programs. In Maryland, for instance, pre-registered 17-year-olds voted at higher rates than older first-time voters in 2020, thanks in part to targeted outreach and school-based engagement. Allowing 17-year-olds to vote isn’t just symbolic; it has tangible results.
The principle is simple: if eligible to vote in November, you should have a say in the ballot. States seeking to boost Gen Z civic participation find this reform appealing due to its bipartisan support, low cost, and measurable impact. With the 2026 midterms approaching, expanding primary voting rights to 17-year-olds might be one of the most straightforward and impactful steps we can take.
[Teens 16 and 17 get to vote in Alameda County school board races. Source: LA Times]
Timely Links
We close The Expand Democracy 5 with notable links:
- The true danger of Trump’s Tariffs: Michael McConnell, director of Stanford’s Constitutional Law Center and a former Bush-appointed federal judge, in the New York Times: “Urgent necessity is the intelligible principle that defines an emergency. If Mr. Trump wants Congress to give him blanket authority to impose tariffs to combat ‘large and persistent trade deficits,’ which by his own account happened over generations, he should ask Congress to expressly grant him such broad authority. Any other interpretation would allow the president to ignore the limiting terms of the statute if he finds it inconvenient. That would not be the constitutional republic the founders designed.”
- White House Pushes Texas to Redistrict, Hoping to Blunt Democratic Gains: “Trying to push through new maps would almost certainly set off a bruising political fight of the sort last seen in 2003, when Representative Tom DeLay, a senior Republican House leader from Texas, forced through a redrawing of the Texas political maps. With Republicans now holding a 25-to-12 advantage in the state’s House delegation over Democrats, those opportunities [for major gains] would be more limited…Still, those pushing for the plan believe that Republicans could potentially pick up as many as four or five House seats in 2026.”
- RCV Team Releases Portland City Council Survey: The League of Women Voters of Portland (OR) in May released a report on comprehensive interviews with candidates in the city’s first proportional RCV election. “The interviewees delivered a strongly positive assessment of multi-winner RCV overall. In particular, it was credited with fulfilling its promise of attracting and electing more diverse candidates, reducing partisan rancor and rhetoric, and giving voice to voters who traditionally have had little representation in city government.”
- All Voting is Local’s Vision for the Future of Voting: “Our agenda outlines actionable solutions to ensure the following: (1) every American can get on the rolls and stay on the rolls; (2) every American can vote when, where, and how it works for them—in under 30 minutes (3) partisan interference in vote counting and certification is stopped.
- Testimony from Rob Richie to New York City Charter Commission: Rob was asked to comment in particular on all-candidate primaries, which is his focus in the testimony and several pages of appendices. “Let me start by ranking reform options without factoring in legal and political considerations: 1st choice - hold a single RCV election in November, with three-member districts for city council and a short turnaround mayoral runoff if no candidate earns 40% of first choices; 2nd choice - hold an Alaska-style Top Four primary system, with RCV in November; and 3rd choice - Adopt Maine’s model of RCV in the primary followed by RCV in November.”
- Ranked choice voting is a women’s issue: From Lorissa Rinehart, The Female Body Politic.“Traditional winner-take-all voting systems often work against women and other underrepresented candidates in subtle but powerful ways. When multiple candidates from similar ideological backgrounds want to run, it is almost always the woman who is told, ‘Wait your turn’ and ‘You’ll spoil the election for everyone…’ RCV can help dismantle these structural barriers in several key ways.”
- Reformers' dilemma: Which Pro Rep method is best for US democracy?: From Steven Hill, Democracy SOS.“The fundamental dilemmas of modern representative democracy do not always lend themselves to easy solutions, or to simple assessments of which electoral system design will work best… It is incumbent upon reform advocates to do the hard work of drafting their electoral plan(s) with enough concrete specificity that addresses the known problems of US democracy within the well-known, path-dependent constraints of local, state and national traditions, culture and history, as well as the pros and cons of each PR method.
Keep ReadingShow less
Load More