What are the three branches of the federal government? It's a question nearly 75 percent of American adults cannot correctly answer. A lack of formal civic education could be part of the problem.
The CivXNow Coalition – a bipartisan group of 90 educational, philanthropic and good-government organizations – urged the legislatures in all 50 states on Wednesday to undertake a broad and ambitious program for bolstering young Americans' understanding of how representational democracies and governments work. While most states require some form of civics, the details vary widely, meaning that millions of students who may have learned adequate United States history may nonetheless lack the skills or understand the behavior necessary to participate as active citizens in adulthood.
An understanding of civics is widely understood to be a prerequisite for the sort of political participation that boosts faith in the system. The coalition proposed 10 items that each state should mandate in the cause of boosting civic education beyond the basics – understanding that the legislative, executive and judicial branches are the three parts of the federal system, for example. The most important ideas include:
- A semester of civics education for middle schoolers and one full year for high schoolers.
- The setting of precise targets for the number of students who are at least "proficient" on end-of-course civics exams.
- Requirements to assure that students in poor and minority communities get the same access to civic education as others.
- Professional development for civics instructors similar to that of math or reading teachers.
- Giving students opportunities to help govern their school systems in order to give them real-world exposure to civic activism.
"Our American democracy is at risk. Schools play a critical role in preparing young people as responsible and engaged members of our community. Yet, graduating students who know and care about our democracy has not been a priority for decades," said Louise Dubé, the executive director of iCivics, which founded CivXNow. "We see the results."
Fewer than a quarter of students were "proficient" in civics on the the 2014 National Assessment of Educational Progress, the most recent congressionally mandated test to measure how eighth graders perform on a variety of subjects. Black and Latino students scored even worse than their white peers.
The policy menu was crafted by a task force of policy makers and experts on civic education including David Skaggs, a former Democratic congressman from Colorado and now chairman of the board of the Office of Congressional Ethics.
The group says it will provide resources and support to state and local advocates who are trying to implement the suggested policies.
A golden tray sits on the Resolute Desk as President Donald Trump speaks during an announcement on American nuclear innovation in the Oval Office at the White House on July 24, 2026, in Washington, D.C. Trump is signing multiple executive orders targeting the nuclear energy sector and easing rules for new reactors and nuclear fuel supply chains.
Trump’s hubris rivals the fallen heroes of ancient Greek mythology
In January, the New York Times asked President Donald Trump if there were any limits on his global powers.
“Yeah,” the president responded, “there is one thing. My own morality. My own mind. It’s the only thing that can stop me.”
That was eight months ago, but fortunately Christopher Nolan’s blockbuster adaptation of “The Odyssey” has made ancient Greek literature newly relevant. Before that window closes, I’d like to talk about hubris.
Today, the term mostly means excessive pride or arrogance. That’s part of what the Greeks meant by it too, but the meaning was a bit richer and more specific. Hubris was an insolent or outrageous act that offended the gods, often because the transgressor was claiming abilities or authorities that solely belonged to supreme beings.
Nolan renamed and slightly modified the concept of xenia for the film, calling it “Zeus’ law.” In the director’s telling, mortals should follow the rules laid out by the gods, specifically the requirement to treat strangers with respect lest they be gods in disguise.
In a sense, hubris is the opposite, or at least the rejection, of xenia. The hubris of the suitors, and at times Odysseus himself, invites punishment by the gods and their mortal instruments.
Which brings me back to Donald Trump. His claim that there are no constraints on his personal power to dictate events on the global stage was one of the greatest expressions of hubris ever uttered by a political leader.
Trump’s claim was obviously false when he made it.
He vowed that he could end the Russia-Ukraine war in 24 hours. He’s proved powerless to make that happen. If he had divine powers to work his will, why would he have balked at implementing his tariffs so often that Wall Street adopted the “TACO trade” term for his deals? “TACO” stands for “Trump always chickens out.”
And why would Trump have made so many embarrassing concessions to China — from rescinding tariffs on Chinese goods to allowing them to buy crucial and incredibly valuable computer chips?
But Trump saw his success at capturing Venezuelan strongman Nicolas Maduro as proof of his ability to launch missiles to the same effect as Zeus’ lightning bolts. Trump believed he was the most powerful man who ever lived.
This is no exaggeration. In March, when the Iran invasion seemed successful, Trump gave a document penned by“Presidential Historian David King” to New York Times reporters Maggie Haberman and Jonathan Swan purporting to prove that Trump was “the most powerful person to have EVER walked this planet.” King was, in fact, a businessman and occasional caddy for legendary golfer Gary Player.
King compared Trump favorably to many of history’s most powerful, and often heinous, figures: Alexander the Great, Attila the Hun, William the Conqueror, Napoleon Bonaparte, Joseph Stalin, Genghis Khan, Mao Tse Tung, Adolf Hitler and Vladimir Lenin. Many of these men thought they were the most powerful person in the world, too. And many were defeated precisely because they believed it.
At least Napoleon and Hitler had a string of truly impressive victories before they learned the folly of hubris. The limits on Trump’s power have been exposed by far less august forces than the combined might of the allies in World War II or the fearsome Russian winter.
Iran is a comparatively middling power. But the regime’s ability to absorb punishment while imposing its will on the Strait of Hormuz has proved to be a greater constraint on Trump’s power than his morality or mind. We should note that, at least rhetorically, his morality has not proved much of a constraint. He has repeatedly promised to destroy Iranian “civilization” if the regime refuses to capitulate.
But they haven’t — and won’t anytime soon — because the regime’s tolerance for pain far outstrips Trump’s. The combined fear of skyrocketing oil prices, outrage of Gulf state potentates, diminishing weapon supplies and domestic unpopularity is doing the work that international law, congressional oversight and the collective opinion of foreign policy experts can’t or won’t do.
If I considered Trump more heroic than reason and facts could allow, I would say his Sisyphean predicament has the whiff of Greek tragedy to it. Trump is vexed by the fact that the Iranians won’t honor deals or ratify his countless premature claims of victory — giving new meaning to his vow that his presidency would make people tired of winning. It’s almost like they’re out-Trumping Trump.
Things might have gone better if he’d heeded that great Greek tragedian Sophocles: “For Zeus utterly abhors the boasts of a proud tongue.”
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Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.