Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Follow Us:
Top Stories

What if children tried to use our elections system in their schools?

Children in school raising their hands to vote
fstop123/Getty Images

Frazier is an assistant professor at the Crump College of Law at St. Thomas University. Starting this summer, he will serve as a Tarbell fellow.

Imagine it’s the late 18th century. Now picture an ambitious group of parents — let’s call them the Founding Parents — gathering to form a middle school with a unique system of government. Unlike any school before it, students will run the show ... with some caveats.


The Founding Parents don’t think all students have the requisite motives and proper incentives to meaningfully participate in day-to-day governance. That’s why they decide to limit the right to vote and to serve on the Student Council to honor roll students — those with GPAs over a 3.5. The Founding Parents reason that these students have the most to lose if the school is run poorly, which means they will do their utmost to protect its reputation. Because the students left out of the governing process continue to attend school, the Founders assume they’re fine with this arrangement and trust their honor roll colleagues to make sound decisions.

Importantly, the Founding Parents allow the Student Council to dictate when, how and where voting will take place. Big fans of their morning caffeine fix, the council members opt to hold the election a mile away from campus at a coffee shop. And, even bigger fans of showing off their acumen, the council members develop a time-intensive and text-heavy process for casting votes.

Fast forward some 200 years. The school has expanded in size and scope — it has more students overall and now spans K-8. Over that time, the government has also changed — at least on paper. Younger students tired of the Student Council favoring the interests of their more senior classmates successfully campaigned to receive the right to vote. A similar protest by students struggling in the classroom also led to an expansion of the electorate.

The composition of the Student Council, though, more or less has remained the same — honor roll students from upper grades tend to run for and win each and every office. Same goes for the time, place and manner of the election — despite younger students still working on their literacy and having a much harder time getting to the coffee spot to vote, the council insists on sticking with tradition. Other proposed governance reforms to diversify the Student Council or increase voter participation are usually dismissed as being unaligned with the vision of the Founding Parents or as infringing on the rights of the honor roll students who claim they have earned a disproportionate sway over the direction of the school.

After decades of this status quo playing out, a new class of kindergarteners arrives. Less concerned about fidelity to Founding Parents whom they never met and less inclined to defer to honor roll students, these new kids ask a simple question: “What’s the point of voting?”

One answer is legitimacy. The Honor Roll students explain that because every student has the option to vote, there’s a stronger basis than mere attendance to conclude that all students have consented to the form of government and its edicts. The youngsters aren’t convinced. If legitimacy is the aim, then shouldn’t voting be one of many informal and formal ways for the students to interact with their government? After all, if elections only occur once a school year and some students do not even vote, what do these contests really say about the authority of the Student Council?

Another answer is improved reasoning. Supposedly elections lead to better decision-making by introducing more perspectives and interests into the process. The youngsters point out that the current process will never achieve that goal — voting is unnecessarily burdensome (it’s hard to walk a mile as a kindergartner), unduly complex (there’s plenty of technology that could increase voter understanding of the issues), and undemocratically binary (there’s not power to voting if you’re selecting between bad options that were determined without your input). If the Council and its supporters truly aimed for more thoughtful decision-making, then they would consider mandatory universal voting, more investment and access to civic programming, and making election day a holiday.

The final answer is representativeness. The Council argues that voting being available to all increases the odds of officials and policies reflecting the full scope of student backgrounds and interests. The youngsters quickly counter that there is a difference in the right to vote being available versus being exercised. Differences in the exercise of the right to vote undermines the representativeness sought by the council, they argue.. Additionally, the youngsters flag that there are easily implementable solutions that have been left on the table — students could have the option to assign their voting power to a classmate they trust (proxy voting) or students who fail to vote or otherwise opt out could have their voting power tallied as if they had voted in the same way as the typical member in their grade (a version of pro rata voting).

The upshot is that voting is not living up to any of its theoretical aims — both at this hypothetical school and in our actual democracy. If voting confers legitimacy, then let’s make elections more meaningful and regular. If voting leads to improved reasoning, then let’s amplify voter education and outreach. If voting improves representativeness, then let’s make it easier for voters to participate in elections and run for office.


Read More

Voters lining up to vote.

Voters line up at the Oak Lawn Branch Library voting center on Primary Election Day in Dallas on March 3, 2026. Republicans' decision to hold a split primary from the Democrats and to eliminate countywide voting forced Dallas County voters to cast ballots at assigned neighborhood precincts, leading to confusion. Republicans have now decided to use countywide polling locations for the May 26 runoff election.

Shelby Tauber for The Texas Tribune

Dallas County GOP Will Agree To Use Countywide Voting Sites for May 26 Runoff Election

Dallas County Republicans will agree to allow voters to cast ballots at countywide voting sites for the May 26 runoff election after a switch to precinct-based voting sites caused chaos, the county party chair said Tuesday.

Dallas County Republican Chairman Allen West supported the use of precinct-based sites earlier this month, but said using precincts again for the runoff would expose the county party to “increased risk and voter confusion” because the county is planning to use countywide sites for upcoming municipal elections and early voting.

Keep ReadingShow less
A person signing a piece of paper with other people around them.

Javon Jackson, center, was able to register to vote following passage of a 2019 Nevada law that restored voting rights to formerly incarcerated individuals.

The Nation Is Missing Millions of Voters Due to Lack of Rights for Former Felons

If you gathered every American with a prison record into one contiguous territory and admitted it to the union, you would create the 12th-largest state. It would be home to at least 7 million to 8 million people and hold a dozen votes in the Electoral College.

In a close presidential race, this hypothetical state of the formerly incarcerated could decide who wins the White House.

Keep ReadingShow less
With the focus on the voting posters, the people in the background of the photo sign up to vote.

An analysis of Trump’s SAVE Act strategy, the voter ID debate, and how Pew data is being misused—exploring election integrity, voter suppression, and the political fight shaping U.S. democracy.

Getty Images, SDI Productions

Stop Fighting Voter ID. Start Defining It.

President Trump doesn't need the SAVE America Act to pass. He only needs the debate to continue. Every minute spent arguing about voter suppression repeats the underlying premise — that noncitizen voting is a real and widespread problem — until it feels like an established fact. The question is whether Democrats will contest Republicans’ definition before the frame hardens.

Trump's claim that 88% of Americans support the bill traces to a Pew Research Center survey — a survey that found 83% support a “government-issued photo ID to vote,” not extreme vetting for proof of citizenship. That support included 95% of Republicans and 71% of Democrats, indicating genuine, broad, bipartisan support for a basic civic principle. That's worth taking seriously.

Keep ReadingShow less
People standing at voting booths.

The proposed SAVE Act and MEGA Act would require proof of citizenship to register to vote, risking the disenfranchisement of millions of eligible Americans.

Getty Images, EvgeniyShkolenko

The SAVE Act is a Solution in Search of A Problem

The federal government seems to be barreling toward a federal election power grab. Trump's State of the Union address called for the Senate to push through the SAVE Act, which has already passed the House, in the name of so-called "election integrity." And the SAVE Act isn’t the only such bill. Like the SAVE Act, the Make Elections Great Again (MEGA) Act—introduced in the House—would require voters to provide a document outlined in the Act that allegedly proves their U.S. citizenship. We’ve been down this road before in Texas, and spoiler alert: it was unworkable.

Both the SAVE and MEGA Acts would disenfranchise millions of eligible U.S. citizens without making our federal elections more secure. They seek to roll out a faulty federal voter registration system, despite the existing separate registration and voting process for state and local elections. And these Acts target a minuscule “problem”—but would unleash mass voter purges and confusion.

Keep ReadingShow less