WASHINGTON–Changes to the Child Tax Credit in the House reconciliation bill would strip benefits from millions of children in immigrant and mixed-status families, while expanding credits for wealthier households, economists said.
“If you were concerned about children’s well-being, you wouldn’t be looking for excuses to remove children from the Child Tax Credit and push them into poverty,” said Adam Ruben, Director of Economic Security Project Action.
The Child Tax Credit, established by the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997, was designed to ease the financial burden on low- to moderate-income families with children. Because it is delivered through the tax system, many recipients receive the payments automatically, often as direct deposits into their bank accounts.
This method has proven to be an efficient way to provide unrestricted income support for families in need, according to Kathryn Menefee, senior counsel for income security at the National Women’s Law Center Action Fund.
Under the reconciliation bill passed by the House last month, two major changes would be made to the current Child Tax Credit: imposing a new Social Security Number requirement on parents in recipient families and expanding the full credit from $2,000 to $2,500. The Senate has not yet passed the bill.
New Social Security Number requirement targeting immigrants
One major provision in the reconciliation bill would require both parents—or the single parent in a single-parent household—to have a Social Security Number for their child to qualify for the Child Tax Credit. Some studies estimate the change could exclude millions of U.S.-citizen children in immigrant and mixed-status families from receiving the benefit, and advocates said the proposal targets immigrants rather than supporting children.
Provisions targeting immigrants were also included in other sections of the proposed reconciliation bill, such as healthcare coverage and food assistance programs. GOP lawmakers argue that many of these programs should be limited to U.S. citizens.
“These programs were never designed to incentivize those who enter the country illegally,” said Rep. Derrick Van Orden, R-Wis., during a budget hearing on farm subsidies and SNAP funding.
Currently, a Social Security Number requirement is already in place for the child. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, passed during Trump’s first term in 2017, introduced the rule that a child must have a valid SSN to be eligible for the credit.
This means the child must be a U.S. citizen, U.S. national, or U.S. resident alien. That change at the time excluded about 1 million children in immigrant families from accessing the credit.
Under the 2017 provision, children born in the U.S. could still receive the credit even if their parents lacked SSNs.
The newly proposed requirement would go further. Not only must the child have an SSN, but now all parents must as well. If enacted, the policy would disqualify even U.S.-citizen children in some mixed-status households, such as those where one parent is a legal resident and the other lacks a Social Security number (SSN), from receiving the benefit.
Immigrants without SSNs still pay taxes using Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers, or ITINs. But under the proposed changes, their American-born children would no longer be eligible for the tax credit.
“Immigrants with ITINs pay about $100 billion worth of taxes every year using ITINs. They are also contributing to programs like Medicaid, unemployment insurance, programs that often they aren't eligible for,” said Menefee.
Under the new SSN requirement, the Joint Committee on Taxation estimated that 2 million children—the vast majority of them U.S. citizens—would lose the Child Tax Credit because one or both of their parents lack an SSN. Another research from the Center for Migration Studies estimated that more than 4.5 million children would become ineligible for the Child Tax Credit.
Ruben said the Republican stance appears punitive rather than child-focused.
“By Republicans’ own standards, like Americans are the best and immigrants are the worst, these are American children,” he said. “So it really does underscore that they’re looking for a punitive approach, rather than an approach that puts children first.”
“Looking at the bill as a whole, it overwhelmingly targets, villainizes, demonizes immigrant families,” Menefee said. “This Child Tax Credit exclusion feeds into this bigger narrative that we're seeing from the administration and from some congressional Republicans that immigrants need to be excluded from benefits.”
Increased credit amount only benefits wealthier families
Another proposed change to the Child Tax Credit is to raise the full credit amount from $2,000 to $2,500, which would not bring more benefits to the lowest-income working families but would expand benefits for higher-income families.
Today, 17 million children in low-income families receive no Child Tax Credit or only a partial full credit because of the income requirements in the current Child Tax Credit structure. A family with two children must earn just over $29,000 to receive the full credit of $2,000 per child.
“Lifting the credit to $2,500 makes nothing difference for the lowest-income families,” said Menefee. “If you weren’t eligible for the full credit before, you’re still not getting any more under this expansion.”
In contrast, the Tax Policy Center estimated that the top 20% of families with children would see their received credits increase by more than 20%, ten times more than what the lowest-income 20% would receive.
“Raising the credit for wealthier families while excluding the most vulnerable families from the credit is not pro-family,” said Ruben.
Republicans have opposed expanding the Child Tax Credit to the lowest-income families, arguing that the policy should also be pro-worker. They have expressed concern that making the credit another form of “social welfare system” could discourage labor force participation.
Menefee argued that the Child Tax Credit changes Republicans proposed would not function as a meaningful work incentive.
“It’s just not enough money,” she said, noting that the families who would benefit from the proposed $500 increase are already on the higher end of the income scale, who may not even notice the extra amount.
“There’s no real incentive to try to work more for it,” Menefee said.
Moreover, Menefee pointed out that the 2021 expansion of the Child Tax Credit under the American Rescue Plan Act actually helped increase work participation. The law temporarily increased the maximum credit to $3,000 per child, with an additional $600 for children under the age of 6, and made the full amount available to families with no earnings.
“In fact, having this extra income helps low-income families pay for things like child care, transportation — things that actually help them go to work,” Menefee said.
Evidence has shown that the 2021 expansion of Child Tax Credit boosted work participation and cut child poverty nearly in half that year. However, the policy was not extended beyond 2021 due to a lack of support in the Senate.
“The Republicans talk a lot about using the credit to incentivize people to work, but I don't think many of them think about it very clearly,” said Ruben.
He explained that under the current structure of the Child Tax Credit, the benefit phases in at a rate of 15% after a family earns $2,500 annually — meaning families receive 15 cents in credit for every dollar earned beyond that $2,500 threshold.
“If all you cared about was incentivizing people to work, you would start the credit with the very first dollar they earn, and you’d phase it in more quickly,” Ruben said.
But he does not think that’s what Americans want from the Child Tax Credit.
“That’s not our goal,” he added. “Our goal is not to use this as a social policy tool to manipulate people into working more. Our goal is to make sure that children grow up with the basics, and that families have economic stability.”
Huiyan Li is a reporter for Medill News Service covering business & technology. She is a journalism graduate student at Northwestern University specializing in politics, policy, and foreign affairs.
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image of U.S. President Donald Trump is displayed on a digital billboard in Times Square in New York on April 8, 2026.
Trump is stuck between two realities. Neither serves the American people
Normally, I worry that events may overtake a column. But not so with the Iran war.
I don’t worry about running afoul of a headline or Truth Social post from the president because what is said about the situation is no longer very relevant to the reality.
On April 8, Nick Catoggio, my Dispatch colleague, dubbed an earlier stoppage with Iran “Schrödinger’s ceasefire.” This was a reference to the famous thought experiment by the physicist Erwin Schrödinger, who was trying to explain the weirdness of “superpositionality” in quantum physics. A cat in a box is both dead and alive at the same time until you open the box. Schrödinger meant to illustrate the absurdity of the idea that particles aren’t any one thing, but a “cloud of probabilities.”
The Trump administration is stuck in a word cloud of probabilities of his own making. The war is over. The war is on. The war isn’t a war. We have a deal, but we don’t have a deal, but we’re about to have a deal. We destroyed Iran’s military. No, we left it intact. We want regime change. No we don’t. We already accomplished it. We “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program a year ago. We had to go to war in February to prevent nuclear war. The Strait of Hormuz is open, closed, or something in-between. No deal without “unconditional surrender.” Let’s make a deal!
This everything-all-at-once vibe can be disorienting, particularly since most Americans didn’t have a war with Iran on their bingo cards until the shooting had already started. President Trump didn’t prepare the country or consult with Congress beforehand because he thought it would all be a smashing success in a matter of weeks.
The miscalculation that started it all: killing Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and much of Iran’s senior leadership, on the first day of the war. To “the great proud people of Iran, I say tonight that the hour of your freedom is at hand,” Trump announced on Feb. 28. “When we are finished, take over your government. It will be yours to take. This will be probably your only chance for generations.”
I support regime change in Iran and shed no tears for Khamenei or his goons. But when you start a war by killing the regime’s top leaders, it’s not unreasonable for the remaining ones to conclude that you really intend regime change.
Khamenei was a murderous fanatic, but he was a fairly cautious one. He liked to threaten closing the Strait of Hormuz or attacking our regional allies, but he was reluctant to actually do it, fearing it would invite a regime change war. The mullahs and IRGC goons believed, not unreasonably, that if they lost their grip on power, they’d be lynched by the Iranian people they’ve brutalized for decades.
By starting with a regime change war, Trump removed any reason for the regime not to go for broke. When you have nothing to lose — particularly when you are a millenarian religious fanatic — a Persian Alamo strategy makes a lot of sense.
So Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz and attacked its neighbors.
But it turns out this wasn’t the Alamo. In the contest of wills, Trump blinked. The Iranian regime’s tolerance for punishment proved — so far — to be greater than Trump’s and that of our gulf allies. Militarily we could finish the job, but that would require ground troops and much greater economic turmoil. In a conflict Trump launched unilaterally without the prior support of Congress, NATO or the American people, Trump doesn’t have the political capital for that.
But that’s only half the problem. Trump wants the war over, but he doesn’t want to pay — militarily, economically, politically — what that would cost. So he wants to make a deal that ends it. But there is no deal available that wouldn’t come at an equally undesirable cost. Any deal that looks like what President Obama struck with the Iranians would be too embarrassing to bear. But the Iranians are convinced that they can get just such a deal, and they’re willing to drag things out as long as it takes.
The result: Trump’s in a box of his own making. He thinks he can talk his way out by simply asserting a reality that doesn’t exist. When the financial markets get nervous, he announces a breakthrough that is, at best, a possibility. When the Iranians agree to a deal that looks similar to one Obama might negotiate, Trump goes back to his threats.
It can’t go on forever. But I’m sure it’ll last until long after this column is forgotten.
Jonah Goldberg is editor-in-chief of The Dispatch and the host of The Remnant podcast. His Twitter handle is @JonahDispatch.