WASHINGTON–Changes to the Child Tax Credit in the House reconciliation bill would strip benefits from millions of children in immigrant and mixed-status families, while expanding credits for wealthier households, economists said.
“If you were concerned about children’s well-being, you wouldn’t be looking for excuses to remove children from the Child Tax Credit and push them into poverty,” said Adam Ruben, Director of Economic Security Project Action.
The Child Tax Credit, established by the Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997, was designed to ease the financial burden on low- to moderate-income families with children. Because it is delivered through the tax system, many recipients receive the payments automatically, often as direct deposits into their bank accounts.
This method has proven to be an efficient way to provide unrestricted income support for families in need, according to Kathryn Menefee, senior counsel for income security at the National Women’s Law Center Action Fund.
Under the reconciliation bill passed by the House last month, two major changes would be made to the current Child Tax Credit: imposing a new Social Security Number requirement on parents in recipient families and expanding the full credit from $2,000 to $2,500. The Senate has not yet passed the bill.
New Social Security Number requirement targeting immigrants
One major provision in the reconciliation bill would require both parents—or the single parent in a single-parent household—to have a Social Security Number for their child to qualify for the Child Tax Credit. Some studies estimate the change could exclude millions of U.S.-citizen children in immigrant and mixed-status families from receiving the benefit, and advocates said the proposal targets immigrants rather than supporting children.
Provisions targeting immigrants were also included in other sections of the proposed reconciliation bill, such as healthcare coverage and food assistance programs. GOP lawmakers argue that many of these programs should be limited to U.S. citizens.
“These programs were never designed to incentivize those who enter the country illegally,” said Rep. Derrick Van Orden, R-Wis., during a budget hearing on farm subsidies and SNAP funding.
Currently, a Social Security Number requirement is already in place for the child. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, passed during Trump’s first term in 2017, introduced the rule that a child must have a valid SSN to be eligible for the credit.
This means the child must be a U.S. citizen, U.S. national, or U.S. resident alien. That change at the time excluded about 1 million children in immigrant families from accessing the credit.
Under the 2017 provision, children born in the U.S. could still receive the credit even if their parents lacked SSNs.
The newly proposed requirement would go further. Not only must the child have an SSN, but now all parents must as well. If enacted, the policy would disqualify even U.S.-citizen children in some mixed-status households, such as those where one parent is a legal resident and the other lacks a Social Security number (SSN), from receiving the benefit.
Immigrants without SSNs still pay taxes using Individual Taxpayer Identification Numbers, or ITINs. But under the proposed changes, their American-born children would no longer be eligible for the tax credit.
“Immigrants with ITINs pay about $100 billion worth of taxes every year using ITINs. They are also contributing to programs like Medicaid, unemployment insurance, programs that often they aren't eligible for,” said Menefee.
Under the new SSN requirement, the Joint Committee on Taxation estimated that 2 million children—the vast majority of them U.S. citizens—would lose the Child Tax Credit because one or both of their parents lack an SSN. Another research from the Center for Migration Studies estimated that more than 4.5 million children would become ineligible for the Child Tax Credit.
Ruben said the Republican stance appears punitive rather than child-focused.
“By Republicans’ own standards, like Americans are the best and immigrants are the worst, these are American children,” he said. “So it really does underscore that they’re looking for a punitive approach, rather than an approach that puts children first.”
“Looking at the bill as a whole, it overwhelmingly targets, villainizes, demonizes immigrant families,” Menefee said. “This Child Tax Credit exclusion feeds into this bigger narrative that we're seeing from the administration and from some congressional Republicans that immigrants need to be excluded from benefits.”
Increased credit amount only benefits wealthier families
Another proposed change to the Child Tax Credit is to raise the full credit amount from $2,000 to $2,500, which would not bring more benefits to the lowest-income working families but would expand benefits for higher-income families.
Today, 17 million children in low-income families receive no Child Tax Credit or only a partial full credit because of the income requirements in the current Child Tax Credit structure. A family with two children must earn just over $29,000 to receive the full credit of $2,000 per child.
“Lifting the credit to $2,500 makes nothing difference for the lowest-income families,” said Menefee. “If you weren’t eligible for the full credit before, you’re still not getting any more under this expansion.”
In contrast, the Tax Policy Center estimated that the top 20% of families with children would see their received credits increase by more than 20%, ten times more than what the lowest-income 20% would receive.
“Raising the credit for wealthier families while excluding the most vulnerable families from the credit is not pro-family,” said Ruben.
Republicans have opposed expanding the Child Tax Credit to the lowest-income families, arguing that the policy should also be pro-worker. They have expressed concern that making the credit another form of “social welfare system” could discourage labor force participation.
Menefee argued that the Child Tax Credit changes Republicans proposed would not function as a meaningful work incentive.
“It’s just not enough money,” she said, noting that the families who would benefit from the proposed $500 increase are already on the higher end of the income scale, who may not even notice the extra amount.
“There’s no real incentive to try to work more for it,” Menefee said.
Moreover, Menefee pointed out that the 2021 expansion of the Child Tax Credit under the American Rescue Plan Act actually helped increase work participation. The law temporarily increased the maximum credit to $3,000 per child, with an additional $600 for children under the age of 6, and made the full amount available to families with no earnings.
“In fact, having this extra income helps low-income families pay for things like child care, transportation — things that actually help them go to work,” Menefee said.
Evidence has shown that the 2021 expansion of Child Tax Credit boosted work participation and cut child poverty nearly in half that year. However, the policy was not extended beyond 2021 due to a lack of support in the Senate.
“The Republicans talk a lot about using the credit to incentivize people to work, but I don't think many of them think about it very clearly,” said Ruben.
He explained that under the current structure of the Child Tax Credit, the benefit phases in at a rate of 15% after a family earns $2,500 annually — meaning families receive 15 cents in credit for every dollar earned beyond that $2,500 threshold.
“If all you cared about was incentivizing people to work, you would start the credit with the very first dollar they earn, and you’d phase it in more quickly,” Ruben said.
But he does not think that’s what Americans want from the Child Tax Credit.
“That’s not our goal,” he added. “Our goal is not to use this as a social policy tool to manipulate people into working more. Our goal is to make sure that children grow up with the basics, and that families have economic stability.”
Huiyan Li is a reporter for Medill News Service covering business & technology. She is a journalism graduate student at Northwestern University specializing in politics, policy, and foreign affairs.
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Children watch a July Fourth Parade along the Walkway of Heroes and Independence Avenue on July 04, 2026 in Tappan, New York.
The Great American Grumpfest
Our nation’s 250th birthday party didn’t feel especially patriotic and wasn’t as much fun as the 200th anniversary was.
President Trump, who did his best to co-opt our holiday for his personal aggrandizement, was a major reason. The party he threw in Washington, D.C., was crankier than uplifting, and less about celebrating our shared past and a promising future than about reminding us how far we have strayed from our founders’ plan to create a republic that future Americans would keep in good working order.
Credit Trump this much. He has a singular gift for picking at scabs that other politicians would rather ignore and pushing us into reckonings we don’t need.
The thing is, Americans have seen all this before. Sometimes the makeover we were encouraged to undertake was more conservative, sometimes more liberal. Whatever direction we were pushing, however, the reckoning we had in mind this time had to be more forthright and the conclusion more definitive than it was the last time.
Our current discontents, the ones behind the reckoning President Trump has been trying to inspire, are not trivial. Included among them are immigration, birthright citizenship, exploding healthcare costs, election rigging, a gag-inducing national debt, how we educate our children, too many genders, racial differences we can’t move past, a lopsided economy that favors more well-off Americans, and historic levels of political corruption and graft. Add to these the several foreign adventures he has pushed us into or is anxious to undertake, and you have the makings of a national headache the likes of which we haven’t had in half a century.
All the elbow-throwing and overheated rhetoric we’re using today have begun to look almost normal in all the ways that bickering neighbors and feuding family members appear normal. But they have also made us look mean-spirited and have portrayed our differences as irreconcilable. To ourselves, of course, but also to many people outside the United States who might be forgiven for turning their heads and not looking at the national car wreck we Americans show no interest in avoiding.
The good news, as I suggested above, is that Americans have had a great deal of practice dealing with challenges and national car wrecks like these.
This essay begins to lay out the reasons why.
By way of illustration, we have our seemingly insatiable demand for more bad news about race in America.
Sixty years after being released from the legal constrictions that bedeviled both white and black Americans, many white people have come to believe the color that used to make them unassailable is now a sign of a moral inferiority born of a racial animus they can never wash off. Many black people, on the other hand, are insisting that America is as hopelessly stacked against them as the formerly unassailable white people’s ancestors used to tell their black ones.
The result is that many people today are buying into racist nightmares and mumbo jumbo that their black and white ancestors worked hard and effectively to put in each other’s heads.
This might be dismissed as crazy behavior if it weren’t so important to rituals Americans have long used to express their deepest fears about each other while figuring out what move they can make that won’t end with their world crashing down on everybody’s head.
Unfortunately, the kind of cultural sleight of hand we have used to ramp up our racial differences has been appropriated by people who have many other cultural fears and unresolved differences with each other. Their clumsy but culturally prescribed missteps are making all these other issues look as irremediable as our racial problems.
A good place to start an answer to how we back away from ledges is Alexis de Tocqueville’s writing on early-19th-century American democracy. He had an optimistic take on Americans’ unscripted displays of public bravado, recrimination, and payback.
For him, these were occasions when people tried to mitigate the effects of the unfair hand they were dealing someone else or had themselves been dealt by behaving in ways quite at odds with how they would otherwise be expected to act. These inversions of what Tocqueville called “the natural order of conscience” presented themselves as a loud but culturally muted challenge to the hypocrisies that people had built into the world they’d made together.
One of his favorite illustrations of early-American hypocrisy involved slave masters sleeping with their less-than-worthy slaves. To the best of my knowledge, he didn’t pick up on all the ways that slaves messed with their owners. Their well-chronicled and quiet resistance showed that even severely ill-treated people can exercise more control over their lives than outsiders appreciate.
Be that as it may, such inversions of a people’s “natural order of conscience” make a good public show of them wrestling with demons they can’t or may not want to shake off, but in any case, are nowhere close to figuring out how to cast out.
Implicit in these disruptions was the discomforting idea that people might flip the entire script and turn the world on its head in more permanent ways. That kind of flipping worked out better for us in our revolution against England than in our Civil War. These events taught us the value of stepping back from historically unprecedented ledges.
Americans of late have been giving loud expression to a long list of things they don’t like about each other and the last makeover they started but didn’t finish a half-century ago. The outcome of our fights today will be as revealing as they are embarrassing to everyone who imagined they could recast our country in a way that privileged their favorite kind of Americans.
Their disappointment with the accommodations they strike will be palpable, but the middling results they achieve with all their pushing and shoving won’t be anything they can’t live with.
Anthropologists who have written about such moments in other cultures less “advanced” than our own show that people find ways to work around their seemingly irreconcilable differences without ever fully resolving them. Indeed, the patches and repairs people make have the unheralded effect of reinforcing rather than undermining the legitimacy of the practices and values they thought were fundamentally flawed.
For example…
White guilt and black pessimism do more good than putting cash into the pockets of professional shamers and handwringers. They give the rest of us who don’t feel guilty or powerless more time to make the world less racially unequal. Good news.
Regarding illegal immigration, the entrance requirements for future immigrants will remain stringent. Americans will applaud the continued detention and deportation of the few illegal immigrants who commit serious crimes. Good news.
All the people who came to the United States without being legally vetted and were locked up for a time will be released in numbers small enough to avoid serious media attention. Along with the several million other good people who snuck in but avoided capture, the former detainees will go to school, find gainful employment, pay their taxes, and stay out of trouble. Many will eventually become citizens. Good news.
Investigations into election tampering and Donald Trump’s 2020 presidential loss will come to an unceremonious conclusion the day after his second term ends. Many Americans will grumble about this, but there will also be some quiet partying, too. Good and bad news.
Congressional hearings into all the grifting accomplished by people tied to the Trump administration will end without anyone having to pay a dime back to the American taxpayers. Bad news, we’ll learn to live with.
New laws and regulations will be created in the hope that the kind of corruption practiced by President Trump will not be repeated for another 250 years. Good news, I hope we’ll live long enough to enjoy.
Show trials for people who allegedly vandalized the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, if they happen, will get big television viewer ratings. Good news.
Trials for pardoned Capitol insurrectionists who committed serious crimes after their release should get more attention, but won’t. Bad news.
We will continue to hear nothing from most of the people who were pardoned for crimes they committed in the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021. They will keep their mouths shut and their heads down for the rest of their life. Good news.
The gold-gilded ornaments that Donald Trump had plastered all over the White House will be shipped to Mar-a-Lago, where the former president will sell them on eBay. Fun news.
American taxpayers end up paying for most of the new East Wing, the removal of the miniature gladiatorial arena that was built behind the White House, and the restoration of the White House rose garden. Bad news.
The Triumphal Arch was never built. Good news.
Trad wives and gay couples raise perfectly lovely children. Good but unsurprising news.
Trans men and women learn that most Americans can’t figure out who they used to be. No one gives a second thought to their use of “family bathrooms” or “unisex bathrooms” in public settings, businesses, and schools. Communities will sponsor athletic teams that have trans boys and girls just to show they can. Good news.
Budget deficits will be kicked down the road for someone else’s children to pay down. Bad news.
Federal agencies that had their budgets and employee ranks slashed during President Trump’s second term are getting some of the money and lost positions back. Good news.
Elite universities will buy their way out of DEI purgatory by competing for conservative scholars whose inflated salaries dwarf those of their liberal colleagues, who will think about suing their institutions for reverse discrimination but won’t be able to figure out who would pay for it or care. More fun news.
Okay. I’ve probably missed some ways that Americans will step back from the ledges they have been making noises about leaping off. But to the extent that my predictions pan out, the best and most important moral of the stories about us stepping away is this: everything we lost and took back, or had returned to us, will have happened without our government collapsing, civic traditions crumbling, or our people beating each other up.
The reason why is that the differences Americans have with each other really weren’t as irreconcilable as we made them out to be. The empty-sounding bromide that Americans have more that unites us than divides us turns out to be true, not just metaphorically but in fact.
Now that is really something to celebrate.
Daniel J. Monti (danieljmonti.com) is Professor of Sociology at Saint Louis University and the author of American Democracy and Disconsent: Liberalism and Illiberalism in Ferguson, Charlottesville, Black Lives Matter, and the Capitol Insurrection.