Skip to content
Search

Latest Stories

Top Stories

Progressives Have Religious Freedom Too

Opinion

Progressives Have Religious Freedom Too
person standing while reading ook

At the end of March, the Supreme Court heard arguments in a case about religious freedom. In late April, it heard two more. By summer, the Court could decide to give religious employers another tax break, let religious parents excuse their children from classes that mention queer people, and give religious charter schools access to public funding.

Religious freedom in these cases is about conservatives’ religious right to be exempt from certain laws and taxes. They give a Supreme Court dominated by Republican appointees a chance to carve three new religion-shaped holes in American law.


But is religious freedom only for conservatives? Hardly. The Free Exercise Clause of the Constitution’s First Amendment has protected progressives many times over the past century, including all kinds of religious minorities. Even atheists and agnostics have a well-established right to religious freedom under American law, and spiritual people have it, too.

In 2019, for example, Scott Warren defended himself in federal court against claims that he’d violated U.S. law by leaving food and water for migrants crossing the Sonoran Desert. Warren claimed that his Constitutionally guaranteed right of religious freedom protected his sincerely held spiritual beliefs, which required him to care for those migrants even if it meant breaking the law. His defense was modeled on that of Christian leaders in the 1980s who harbored migrants from federal agents by giving them “sanctuary” in their churches and transporting them to sanctuary churches around the country. Their defense mostly worked, and so did Warren’s.

The Law, Rights & Religion Project (LRRP) described examples of religious freedom supporting progressive causes. The report failed to make waves in part because progressives weren’t ready to embrace their religious freedom. Now, in Trump’s second term, with a conservative Supreme Court firmly in place, likely for decades to come, the calculus has changed. As Adam Liptak noted recently in the New York Times, the Supreme Court has ruled in favor of religious people and groups more than 86 percent of the time since John Roberts became Chief Justice in 2005. If the Court rules for religion in the three cases it’s hearing this spring, that rate will jump to nearly 90 percent. The future is clear: religion is winning.

What does religious freedom look like for progressives? The sanctuary movement has shown us that traditional religious leaders, like ministers and Rabbis, can resist laws they consider unjust on religious grounds. Scott Warren proved that spiritual people have this right, too.

During the first Trump administration, a Catholic chapel in Texas refused to allow the government to build a border wall on its land. In states across the country, we’re seeing religious leaders argue for religious exemptions to abortion bans.

Churches don’t pay taxes, and they don’t have to file financial statements with the IRS. This includes progressive churches. Churches are also exempt from some zoning laws. Last year, California legislators passed Yes In God’s Backyard (YIGBY), a law that allows churches to build bigger, denser affordable housing in places where other people can’t.

Atheists, agnostics, and spiritual people also have the right to form religious organizations that can use these exemptions. The courts and the IRS have never challenged that right significantly. The LRRP report highlights many more examples.

Not all of these strategies will work, and yes, this Supreme Court seems to favor Christians over religious minorities. Christians embraced a tenuous religious freedom strategy en masse to resist vaccine mandates, and it was effective even though Christian doctrine has little to say about vaccines.

The fact is that progressives have hardly even tried to exercise their religious freedom because many remain wary of religion. Sociologists have shown that religion’s association with conservative politics has caused a lot of progressives to leave religion altogether.

In my research, I’ve found that nonreligious people can have a strong, visceral dislike for religion. They associate it with authority, groupthink, and dogma rather than community, tradition, and progressive politics. For some, their dislike stems from trauma, including physical and emotional abuse. These are legitimate feelings that are important to acknowledge. It’s also important to remember that not all religions are the same, and not all religious people are conservative. There are even progressive evangelicals, though fewer than there used to be.

For now, progressives are likely to have a surprising advantage. The Supreme Court needs to maintain the appearance of fairness while facing criticism from long-time observers for being too political. If the Court wants to give religious freedom to closely held corporations like Hobby Lobby, then it would look that much worse trying to take it away from atheists and religious minorities who’ve had it for many decades.

Religious freedom is stronger than ever, and it’ll grow in the years ahead. Now’s the time for progressives to get over our purity politics and our bias against religion. Now’s the time to start exercising our religious freedom.

Joseph Blankholm is a professor of Religious Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara and a Public Voices fellow with The OpEd Project.


Read More

US Capitol building
The United States Capitol building with its white dome against a blue sky

Would Congressional Term Limits Make Congress Better—or Worse?

Starting in the 1990’s, the idea of putting term limits on members of Congress became a recurring idea to reform the institution and improve democracy. The idea was born out of the theory that replacing the current crop of legislators with a new batch would produce a better Congress. More than 30 years later we now have quantitative and qualitative data showing the impact of term limits.

Twenty-one state legislatures have enacted some kind of term limit on legislators since 1990. Since then, dozens of academic studies have examined the impact on such factors as: complexity of legislation, influence of lobbyists and staff on legislative outcomes, and interactions with constituent. Here are some key findings.

Keep ReadingShow less
Hand points to the word tax on a screen

Data calculations

Getty Images

Inconvenient Numbers Are a Sign the System Works

Earlier in October, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported that consumer prices rose 3.7 percent over the past year, a little higher than the month before, with gasoline accounting for more than half of September's increase. Rising prices are the kind of news no incumbent politician wants weeks before an election. The report was published anyway, on schedule. That is the quiet discipline of a trustworthy statistical system. It tells us what is true even when the number is unwelcome to whoever holds power.

So, do Americans trust government data? We do. But that trust is incomplete, and it has room to grow.

Keep ReadingShow less
The Pennsylvania state capitol building.

The Pennsylvania state capitol building.

jimfeng/Getty Images

Pennsylvania’s Bipartisan Exchange Is Rebuilding Trust in Governance

The University of Pittsburgh Institute of Politics has nearly 40 years of experience working with legislators from different political parties, and it is building on this history by drawing on lessons from the successful American Congressional Exchange model, begun in 2018 at the Bipartisan Policy Center, and from state exchanges now underway in Minnesota and Michigan. The University of Pittsburgh Institute of Politics, in collaboration with the Bridge Alliance, has launched the Pennsylvania Legislative Exchange.

This state-based, systematic approach is designed to foster better relationships and build trust across the political aisle with the following guiding principles:

Keep ReadingShow less
An empty grocery cart in a market.

NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani proposes five city-run grocery stores. See the arguments for and against, from food deserts to bodega concerns and the $70M cost.

Getty Images, Kwangmoozaa

Government-Owned Grocery Stores: Accessible Nutrition or Government Overreach?

Issue Introduction

Over the past few years, affordability has become the most central issue affecting Americans and the quality of life in the United States. The prices of groceries and basic necessities have risen 25-30% since the COVID-19 pandemic and are projected to rise another 3.2% in 2026. At the same time, the exodus of grocery chains from rural and low-income areas has scattered food deserts throughout individual states. Recent mass closures include Grocery Outlet’s shuttering of 36 stores and continued shut-downs of many Albertsons locations. These factors have led politicians to make affordability a major campaign issue.

During his progressive campaign for mayor of New York City, Zohran Mamdani raised the idea of opening grocery stores owned and operated by the city government to provide New Yorkers with affordable groceries. In his April 2026 public address that marked his first 100 days in office, Mayor Mamdani announced plans for the first of five city-run grocery stores. Mamdani’s proposed initiative will use $70 million in capital funding to build five city-owned municipal stores–one in each borough–and place them under control of the New York City Economic Development Corporation (NYCEDC). NYCEDC will then select third-party operating staff in accordance with city standards for affordability and proper labor practices. Public opinion following the announcement continues to be divided between uproar and support.

Keep ReadingShow less